Kako ukinuti potporu?
You have to understand, most of there people are not ready to be umpluged . And many of them are so inert, so hopelessly dependent on the system that they will fight to protect it.
Morpheus to Neo
Sasvim slučajno, ako slučajnost postoji, pod oči mi dolazi literatura koja se bavi ovim žilavim sistemom u kojem smo, samo naočigled, osuđeni da odradimo životni vijek. Počeo sam sa Gandhiem i njegovom autobiografijom Moj život za slobodu. Jako poučno i istovremeno utiješno, radi se o čovjeku kojeg tište problemi svakog slobodoumnog čovjeka koji preispituje stvarnost oko sebe.
Zanimljivo je pratiti evoluciju njegovih ideja sve do sažimanja u konceptu ponašanja, Satyagraha (doslovce prevedeno "upornost na istini", zbog igre riječi podsjeća me na porciju graha a to je ona smijurija koju naš narod dobije svaki 1.Maj jer se ostatak od 364 dana u godinu rad obezvrijeđuje) čiji je pokret oslobodio Indiju od britanskog okupatora.
U toj knjizi sam naišao na Henry Davida Thoreaua i njegovo djelo "Građanski neposluh", koje sam krenuo čitat i ostato zapanjen aktualnošću nečega što je napisano prije stoljeće i pol. Thoreau nije anarhist iako smatra da je ideal život bez ikakvog oblika (ili barem sa što manjim uplivom) vladanja, no dok čovjek ne sazrije do tog stadija onda se možemo barem nadati pravednom obliku vladanja.
I heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least"; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe— "That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.
Zakon i sudovi postoje kako nebi svaki od nas uzimao pravdu u ruke kada bi se osjećali prevarenima ili ugroženima. Zakon je tu da bi zamjenio krvu osvetu (faida, fehde) koja je bila odlika klansko-rodbinskim sistemima kada je čovjećanstvo živjelo u plemenima (u Ilijadi pojedinac traži pravdu za sebe, u Antigoni se pojedinac mora pokloniti zakonu). Govorim općenito ili pretežno idealno jer je Hrvatska u mnogo čemu još uvijek klanska zajednica i za nas neke uvriježene stvari još ne vrijede jer su mrtvo slovo u ustavu.
No zakon ne hoda uvijek istim stopama kao i pravda. Inače supruge i sinovi ubijenih Srba tijekom i nakon Oluje nebi bili šikanirani presudom i sudskim troškovima nakon što su tužili državu iz pravednog razloga. Ovo sam naveo primjer, bog zna da bi potratio cijeli život samo u nabrajanju nepravda koje je hrvatsko pravosuđe nastavilo u ime ubojica, lopova, silovatelja. Odugovlačenje donošenja presude ubrajam kao pasivnu agresivu.
To što je nešto po zakonu ništa ne znači i to je mantra kojom političari peru ruke. Reći da je privatizacija tekla po zakonu je istina ali je isto tako silovanje zdravoga razuma. U nekim federalnim državama u SAD-u kazna smrću je propisana zakonom što ju čini još odvratnijom.
To speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it. After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. But a government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?— in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly enough said that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice.
U matrixu su neke stvari prikazane alegorično. Ljudi su u stanju sirovine jer robotima trebaju kao baterije. U stanju su dubokog sna u kojem samo igraju život i vjeruju da je stvarnost ono što osjećaju (Platonova špilja) i upravo će oni koji na svojim plečima podnose najveći teret tlačenja sistema platiti životom da ga održe na životu. Primjea u povijesti ima mali milion: ljudi koji su dali život radi komada vijorećeg platna suprotstavljeni drugim ljudima koji će dati život radi drugog komada platna. Dok neki ginu radi ideala koje predstavlja to platno drugi trljaju ruke i profitiraju što na prodaji oružja, društvene imovine, humanitarnoj pomoći...
Ako branitelju kažeš da je nažalost ginuo da bi netko ostvario profit nad njime i njegovim drugarima istina je toliko bolna da će, opet paradoksalno, čovjek nasrnuti prije na glasnika nego na onog koji ga je savjesno poslao na žrtvovanje. Perverzija tu ne staje jer se onda stvara mit o pravednosti čina sve do donošenja ispraznih rezolucija (Deklaracija o domovinskom ratu npr. kojom će se poslje mahati kao argumentacijom za ispravnost rata).
Kako izbjeći ulogu automa u koristi sistema? Svatko od nas svojim stilom života podržava sistem, od zaposlenika u državnoj službi koji pere ruke uredbama i nečime što se zove raison d'etat do najobičnije kupovine kojim hranimo sistem plaćanjem PDV-a. Prijatelj ovdje kaže da mi nije mudro bojkotirat državu jer tko će da nam održava cestovne komunikacije koja se naplaćuje iz poreza (očito djelomično jer onda ne bi naplaćivali još jednom na naplatnim kućicama), kanalizacijski sustav, energetske pogone, zbrinjavanje otpada...
The mass of men serve the state […], not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others, as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders, serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be "clay," and "stop a hole to keep the wind away," but leave that office to his dust at least […].
Čovjek koji oduzima sebe od sistema načinom života i razmišljanjem nam pari u najmanju ruku zgubidan dok nam je netko tko održava sistem na nogama vrijedan poštovanja. Eventualno kada ubijemo onog prvog na raspelu možemo oko njega stvoriti kult ne mareći ono za što se zalagao. Ne ubijamo li tako dvaput istog čovjeka?
He who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.
Thoreau je smatrao moralnom dužnosti da ne bude dio države sve dok SjAD ratuje protiv Meksika i dok postoji robovlasništvo. Kao što znamo i Hrvatska je agresor (makar bila pijun u velesvijetskoj šahovnici) u Afganistanu i većinu svojih građana tretira ko roblje kojem je rasprodala imovinu.
How does it become a man to behave toward this American government today? I answered that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it.
Svi mi smatramo da imamo pravo na obranu i otpor kada su nam ugrižena osnovna prava. Da članovi vlade krenu pucat po građanima sa šmajserom onda bi svatko smatroa da je naše pravilo dignuti bunu. Ovaj sistem je perverzniji jer nema metaka, šanse za stojnim životom nam su nagrižene malo po malo, kroz uredbe i zakone.
All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable.
Što učiniti da se dobije kritična masa? Potječem iz naroda koji je legendarno trom sve dok mu se ne zaprijeti pravo na goli život. Kad sam prisutstvovao na prosvjedima bilo je više ljudi po kafićima koji su nam se smijali što se smrzavamo a stavljam ruke u vatru da ako bilo koga od njih pitam što misli o situaciji u zemlji da će mi reći da je katastrofa i da su političari krvopije.
Koji je razlog većinske apatije?
Prije sam mislio kako je jedini način da se ogormna masa skupi i prosvjeduje na Markovom trgu. Ako se to i desi kako zadržati situaciju mirnom bez da izbije nasilje? Vidjeli smo da se nasilje dešava u Grčkoj i Španjolskij i unatoč tome situacija se ne okreće na bolje već se stvaraju nove nepravde.
There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is the price-current of an honest man and patriot to-day? They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the right, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it.
Živimo u parlamanetarnoj demokraciji i izbori se održavaju svake 4 godine no u novijoj povijesti RH stvari se nisu nešto bitno poboljšale jer na izborima ne pobjeđuje najkompetentniji već manje zlo.
Nije li to naše glasanje svakih 4 godine istog dometa kao lajkanje na FB?
All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. When the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.
Nije li ista stvar kada nas susjed potkrade kao i kada država organizira masovnu mužnju. Ako je krađa krađa kako to da reagiramo na najmanju sitnicu kod našeg bližnjega dok toleriramo isto kad nam to radi sustav?
How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again. Action from principle — the perception and the performance of right — changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divides states and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine.
Zašto moramo čekati da se stvari pogoršaju do te mjere da bude "tko živ tko mrtav"? Bog zna da svaka baba zna za onu da je bolje lječiti nego spriječiti, zašto se onda ne ponašamo tako?
Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them?
Iako gubitak slobode smatram gorim zlom od gubitka života, moram se složiti da su oni koji su prozreli ovu igru i koji su završili iza rešetaka slobodniji od nas koji udišemo zrak s ove strane.
Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. The proper place to-day, the only place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the State by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. It is there that the fugitive slave, and the Mexican prisoner on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race, should find them; on that separate, but more free and honorable ground, where the State places those who are not with her, but against her — the only house in a slave State in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible.'
Demokracija treba biti u kostantnoj mjeni i njezine institucije evoluirati sa vremenom. Smatram da je krivo kada se institucije žele ustaliti i postati nedodirljive poput neke monarhije.
Is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? Is it not possible to take a step further towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man? There will never be a really free and enlightened State until the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please myself with imagining 'a State at least which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow-men. A State which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious State, which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen.
Na nama je da preispitujemo svijet u kojem živimo kako bi postigli uvijek bolje mjesto za sve. Kada država bude poštovala svakog pojedinca onda će proći test jer ugrožavanje ljudskih i građanskih i jedne osobe, direktno ugoržavanje i naših pravo iako trenutno nismo mi oni koji su dobili po glavi.
Jednom sam prijatelju vjerniku rekao da ukidam moju potporu njegovoj Crkvi dok god se ona bude ponašala protiv čovjeka. Iako država i u moje ime daje novac toj instituciju pa ta ustanova nije nešto posebno oslabljena mojim nepripadanjem najmanje što mogu učiniti jest ne imati veze sa njom. Ako se država ponaša poput mafijaškog legla nije li moja dužnost uskratiti joj barem moje pripadanje? Ja sam ne činim razliku i mogu biti kažnjen jer država ne priznaje ništa osim svoje suverenosti no ako tisuće budu otkazali poslušnost tko će preostati da hrani taj sistem i neće li se on onda srušiti sam od sebe?
U svakom slučaju će beštija stisnuta u kut pokazati najgore lice prije pada.
Kako isto učiniti sa državom a da se ne moram preseliti jer gdjegod idem bit će neka država. Instinkt mi govori da je priroda odgovor no kako se oterasiti svih lagosnosti od kojih smo postali ovisni? Možda je u Thoreauvo vrijeme stvar bila lakša jer su ljudi znali raditi u polju, popravljati i proizvoditi sami sebi stvari dok smo mi zapravo, čast iznimkama, teški invalidi i specijalizirani samo u jednom. Mene moje znanje povijesti i arheologije neće nahraniti ako ne radim u struci. Koga može nahraniti činjenica što zna u kojim godinama je opljačkan Rim?
Ako želim postati neovisan to znači da moram naučiti kako sebi proizvesti hranu i ostale stvari. Kako postati energetski neovisan jer tada u vodu pada društveni lanac koji me veže za državu. Idealno bi bilo dođi do stadija kada mogu proizvesti za sebe sve što mi treba za život bez da plaćam i kunu poreza. No ideal kao takav ne postoji jer sam ne mogu znati raditi tisuću stvari. To znači da se trebam povezati sa onima koji kuju moje iste snove o neovisnosti.
Jesu li samoodrživa imanja koje postoje i u Hrvatskoj (Vukomerić) odgovor na gospodarsku, ambijentalnu i moralnu krizu kroz koju prolazi svijet? Hoće li se ta imanja međusodbo povezati i trampiti proizvode te isključiti državu iz igre?
Fascinira me i istodobno straši neizvjesnost onog što će biti ali ne razmišljanje i vjerovanje da je svijet pojednostavljena binarna igra između partizana i ustaša bi od mene učinilo još jednog Mirčeta* a to ne želim nikome a kamoli sebi.
I zato se radije pitam...
ps. za one koji prvi put dolaze ovdje Mirče je trol broj jedan na ovom blog servisu. To je hrvatina koja tipka iz Essena i maltretira sve živo i mrtvo sa svojim komunjarama i ustašama. Siguran sam da će mu goditi malo pozornosti koju mu dajem imenovanjem jer nas zato i tlači, tako se osjeća živim što je priznat ćete, tužan oblik života.