pookapookapookapookapooka

nedjelja, 30.11.2008.

OVO JE O SANADERU! NE ZOVE SE TAKO. PRAVO IME MU JE JAŠAR ČURČIJA!

'See the cutest looking confused dogs'... tako piše na yahoo.com... nisam morao, ali sam ipak pogledao. Vidio sam već ratujemo u medijima... ili se barem utvrđujemo na onome što su nam oni ostavili. Postajemo bolji. Stiglo je naše vrijeme. Uskoro ćemo se početi snalaziti. A oni... oni će se povući u grmlje. Znate... Al Quaida je napala nemoralne bogataše. A bogataši su utjecajni ljudi. Pristojan narod koji ne voli poreze. Sad će morati poslati vojsku u šumu u kojoj se već ratuje zbog drugih razloga.
'Ma jeli, molim te?' - rekli bi splitski muzičarski sastav ST!ILLNES. Ja neću jer ne volim pričati sam sa sobom kad sam sam, radim to samo u društvu. Eto. Idem vidit što još ima. Bio je i neki tip što ništa ne kupuje. Skuplja viškove i od toga živi. Možda ga ubiju. Uživo.

- 13:27 - Komentari (9) - Isprintaj - #

srijeda, 26.11.2008.

all clear

oh what a sad little day behind me
all I could see in it was a way to an end
and now i'm seeing all kinds of stuff.
so fucking sad.
but don't worry about me.
worry about your own god damn menthal health

- 19:41 - Komentari (4) - Isprintaj - #

utorak, 25.11.2008.

dejmone, nemoj...

OVO!

- 22:05 - Komentari (1) - Isprintaj - #

subota, 22.11.2008.

This is why I love...

THEM

- 11:15 - Komentari (5) - Isprintaj - #

subota, 15.11.2008.

ZLATNO STRAŠILO

Gold and Economic Freedom
by Dr. Alan Greenspan
The Objectivist, 1966

An almost hysterical antagonism toward the gold standard is one issue which unites statists of all persuasions. They seem to sense - perhaps more clearly and subtly than many consistent defenders of laissez-faire - that gold and economic freedom are inseparable, that the gold standard is an instrument of laissez-faire and that each implies and requires the other.
In order to understand the source of their antagonism, it is necessary first to understand the specific role of gold in a free society.
Money is the common denominator of all economic transactions. It is that commodity which serves as a medium of exchange, is universally acceptable to all participants in an exchange economy as payment for their goods or services, and can, therefore, be used as a standard of market value and as a store of value, i.e., as a means of saving.
The existence of such a commodity is a precondition of a division of labor economy. If men did not have some commodity of objective value which was generally acceptable as money, they would have to resort to primitive barter or be forced to live on self-sufficient farms and forgo the inestimable advantages of specialization. If men had no means to store value, i.e., to save, neither long-range planning nor exchange would be possible.
What medium of exchange will be acceptable to all participants in an economy is not determined arbitrarily. First, the medium of exchange should be durable. In a primitive society of meager wealth, wheat might be sufficiently durable to serve as a medium, since all exchanges would occur only during and immediately after the harvest, leaving no value-surplus to store. But where store-of-value considerations are important, as they are in richer, more civilized societies, the medium of exchange must be a durable commodity, usually a metal. A metal is generally chosen because it is homogeneous and divisible: every unit is the same as every other and it can be blended or formed in any quantity. Precious jewels, for example, are neither homogeneous nor divisible. More important, the commodity chosen as a medium must be a luxury. Human desires for luxuries are unlimited and, therefore, luxury goods are always in demand and will always be acceptable. Wheat is a luxury in underfed civilizations, but not in a prosperous society. Cigarettes ordinarily would not serve as money, but they did in post-World War II Europe where they were considered a luxury. The term "luxury good" implies scarcity and high unit value. Having a high unit value, such a good is easily portable; for instance, an ounce of gold is worth a half-ton of pig iron.
In the early stages of a developing money economy, several media of exchange might be used, since a wide variety of commodities would fulfill the foregoing conditions. However, one of the commodities will gradually displace all others, by being more widely acceptable. Preferences on what to hold as a store of value, will shift to the most widely acceptable commodity, which, in turn, will make it still more acceptable. The shift is progressive until that commodity becomes the sole medium of exchange. The use of a single medium is highly advantageous for the same reasons that a money economy is superior to a barter economy: it makes exchanges possible on an incalculably wider scale.
Whether the single medium is gold, silver, seashells, cattle, or tobacco is optional, depending on the context and development of a given economy. In fact, all have been employed, at various times, as media of exchange. Even in the present century, two major commodities, gold and silver, have been used as international media of exchange, with gold becoming the predominant one. Gold, having both artistic and functional uses and being relatively scarce, has significant advantages over all other media of exchange. Since the beginning of World War I, it has been virtually the sole international standard of exchange. If all goods and services were to be paid for in gold, large payments would be difficult to execute and this would tend to limit the extent of a society's divisions of labor and specialization. Thus a logical extension of the creation of a medium of exchange is the development of a banking system and credit instruments (bank notes and deposits) which act as a substitute for, but are convertible into, gold.
A free banking system based on gold is able to extend credit and thus to create bank notes (currency) and deposits, according to the production requirements of the economy. Individual owners of gold are induced, by payments of interest, to deposit their gold in a bank (against which they can draw checks). But since it is rarely the case that all depositors want to withdraw all their gold at the same time, the banker need keep only a fraction of his total deposits in gold as reserves. This enables the banker to loan out more than the amount of his gold deposits (which means that he holds claims to gold rather than gold as security of his deposits). But the amount of loans which he can afford to make is not arbitrary: he has to gauge it in relation to his reserves and to the status of his investments.
When banks loan money to finance productive and profitable endeavors, the loans are paid off rapidly and bank credit continues to be generally available. But when the business ventures financed by bank credit are less profitable and slow to pay off, bankers soon find that their loans outstanding are excessive relative to their gold reserves, and they begin to curtail new lending, usually by charging higher interest rates. This tends to restrict the financing of new ventures and requires the existing borrowers to improve their profitability before they can obtain credit for further expansion. Thus, under the gold standard, a free banking system stands as the protector of an economy's stability and balanced growth. When gold is accepted as the medium of exchange by most or all nations, an unhampered free international gold standard serves to foster a world-wide division of labor and the broadest international trade. Even though the units of exchange (the dollar, the pound, the franc, etc.) differ from country to country, when all are defined in terms of gold the economies of the different countries act as one-so long as there are no restraints on trade or on the movement of capital. Credit, interest rates, and prices tend to follow similar patterns in all countries. For example, if banks in one country extend credit too liberally, interest rates in that country will tend to fall, inducing depositors to shift their gold to higher-interest paying banks in other countries. This will immediately cause a shortage of bank reserves in the "easy money" country, inducing tighter credit standards and a return to competitively higher interest rates again.
A fully free banking system and fully consistent gold standard have not as yet been achieved. But prior to World War I, the banking system in the United States (and in most of the world) was based on gold and even though governments intervened occasionally, banking was more free than controlled. Periodically, as a result of overly rapid credit expansion, banks became loaned up to the limit of their gold reserves, interest rates rose sharply, new credit was cut off, and the economy went into a sharp, but short-lived recession. (Compared with the depressions of 1920 and 1932, the pre-World War I business declines were mild indeed.) It was limited gold reserves that stopped the unbalanced expansions of business activity, before they could develop into the post-World Was I type of disaster. The readjustment periods were short and the economies quickly reestablished a sound basis to resume expansion.
But the process of cure was misdiagnosed as the disease: if shortage of bank reserves was causing a business decline-argued economic interventionists-why not find a way of supplying increased reserves to the banks so they never need be short! If banks can continue to loan money indefinitely-it was claimed-there need never be any slumps in business. And so the Federal Reserve System was organized in 1913. It consisted of twelve regional Federal Reserve banks nominally owned by private bankers, but in fact government sponsored, controlled, and supported. Credit extended by these banks is in practice (though not legally) backed by the taxing power of the federal government. Technically, we remained on the gold standard; individuals were still free to own gold, and gold continued to be used as bank reserves. But now, in addition to gold, credit extended by the Federal Reserve banks ("paper reserves") could serve as legal tender to pay depositors.
When business in the United States underwent a mild contraction in 1927, the Federal Reserve created more paper reserves in the hope of forestalling any possible bank reserve shortage. More disastrous, however, was the Federal Reserve's attempt to assist Great Britain who had been losing gold to us because the Bank of England refused to allow interest rates to rise when market forces dictated (it was politically unpalatable). The reasoning of the authorities involved was as follows: if the Federal Reserve pumped excessive paper reserves into American banks, interest rates in the United States would fall to a level comparable with those in Great Britain; this would act to stop Britain's gold loss and avoid the political embarrassment of having to raise interest rates. The "Fed" succeeded; it stopped the gold loss, but it nearly destroyed the economies of the world, in the process. The excess credit which the Fed pumped into the economy spilled over into the stock market-triggering a fantastic speculative boom. Belatedly, Federal Reserve officials attempted to sop up the excess reserves and finally succeeded in braking the boom. But it was too late: by 1929 the speculative imbalances had become so overwhelming that the attempt precipitated a sharp retrenching and a consequent demoralizing of business confidence. As a result, the American economy collapsed. Great Britain fared even worse, and rather than absorb the full consequences of her previous folly, she abandoned the gold standard completely in 1931, tearing asunder what remained of the fabric of confidence and inducing a world-wide series of bank failures. The world economies plunged into the Great Depression of the 1930's.
With a logic reminiscent of a generation earlier, statists argued that the gold standard was largely to blame for the credit debacle which led to the Great Depression. If the gold standard had not existed, they argued, Britain's abandonment of gold payments in 1931 would not have caused the failure of banks all over the world. (The irony was that since 1913, we had been, not on a gold standard, but on what may be termed "a mixed gold standard"; yet it is gold that took the blame.) But the opposition to the gold standard in any form-from a growing number of welfare-state advocates-was prompted by a much subtler insight: the realization that the gold standard is incompatible with chronic deficit spending (the hallmark of the welfare state). Stripped of its academic jargon, the welfare state is nothing more than a mechanism by which governments confiscate the wealth of the productive members of a society to support a wide variety of welfare schemes. A substantial part of the confiscation is effected by taxation. But the welfare statists were quick to recognize that if they wished to retain political power, the amount of taxation had to be limited and they had to resort to programs of massive deficit spending, i.e., they had to borrow money, by issuing government bonds, to finance welfare expenditures on a large scale.
Under a gold standard, the amount of credit that an economy can support is determined by the economy's tangible assets, since every credit instrument is ultimately a claim on some tangible asset. But government bonds are not backed by tangible wealth, only by the government's promise to pay out of future tax revenues, and cannot easily be absorbed by the financial markets. A large volume of new government bonds can be sold to the public only at progressively higher interest rates. Thus, government deficit spending under a gold standard is severely limited. The abandonment of the gold standard made it possible for the welfare statists to use the banking system as a means to an unlimited expansion of credit. They have created paper reserves in the form of government bonds which-through a complex series of steps-the banks accept in place of tangible assets and treat as if they were an actual deposit, i.e., as the equivalent of what was formerly a deposit of gold. The holder of a government bond or of a bank deposit created by paper reserves believes that he has a valid claim on a real asset. But the fact is that there are now more claims outstanding than real assets. The law of supply and demand is not to be conned. As the supply of money (of claims) increases relative to the supply of tangible assets in the economy, prices must eventually rise. Thus the earnings saved by the productive members of the society lose value in terms of goods. When the economy's books are finally balanced, one finds that this loss in value represents the goods purchased by the government for welfare or other purposes with the money proceeds of the government bonds financed by bank credit expansion.
In the absence of the gold standard, there is no way to protect savings from confiscation through inflation. There is no safe store of value. If there were, the government would have to make its holding illegal, as was done in the case of gold. If everyone decided, for example, to convert all his bank deposits to silver or copper or any other good, and thereafter declined to accept checks as payment for goods, bank deposits would lose their purchasing power and government-created bank credit would be worthless as a claim on goods. The financial policy of the welfare state requires that there be no way for the owners of wealth to protect themselves.
This is the shabby secret of the welfare statists' tirades against gold. Deficit spending is simply a scheme for the confiscation of wealth. Gold stands in the way of this insidious process. It stands as a protector of property rights. If one grasps this, one has no difficulty in understanding the statists' antagonism toward the gold standard.

- 17:46 - Komentari (0) - Isprintaj - #

and we're all Keynesian again...

- 15:47 - Komentari (0) - Isprintaj - #

Financial Industry Complex... securitisied

- 15:23 - Komentari (0) - Isprintaj - #

Righteous indignation...

- 08:58 - Komentari (0) - Isprintaj - #

nedjelja, 09.11.2008.

HUŠKAČ a priori

'Ali dokle god ove potajne zađevice imaju uzrok u ličnoj sujeti ljudi (što je stalno slučaj sa spekulativnim sudovima koji nemaju nekog naročitog interesa i koji se ne mogu lako dokazati sa apodiktičnom izvjesnošću), njima će se uz odobravanje javnosti protivstavljati sujeta dfugih ljudi i na kraju krajeva stvari će dobiti onaj ishod do koga bi čista savest i iskrenost dovele,iako mnogo ranije. ALI AKO ŠIROKA JAVNOST UOBRAŽAVA DA DOVITLJIVI SOFISTI POTKOPAVAJU SAME TEMELJE OPŠTEGA BLAGOSTANJA, ONDA JE NE SAMO PAMETNO, VEĆ JE DOPUŠTENO I ŠTAVIŠE POHVALNO DA SE DOBROJ STVARI PRITEKNE U POMOĆ I PRIVIDNIM DOKAZIMA, A NE DA SE NJENIM PROTIVNICIMA PRIZNA I TO PREIMUĆSTVO KOJE BI IMALI NAD NAMA AKO BISMO U NAŠ GOVOR UNELI TON PROSTO PRAKTIČNOG UVERENJA I AKO BISMO PRIZNALI DA NAM NEDOSTAJE SPEKULATIVNA I APODIKTIČNA IZVESNOST. Ali ipak bih rekao da u svetu nema ničega što bi se teže moglo dovesti u sklad sa namerom odbrane jedne dobre stvari nego što su lukavstvo, pretvornost i prevara. Da se u oceni principa uma u čistoj spekulaciji sve mora da radi pošteno, to je najmanje što se može zahtevati. Ali kada bi bilo moguće da se makar i sa tim najmanjim računa sa sigurnošću, onda bi spor spekulativnog uma povodom najvažnijih pitanja o bogu, besmrtnosti (duše) i slobodi ili bio davno već rešen ili bi se uskoro završio. tako čistota savesti stoji često u obrnutoj srazmeri prema dobroti same stvari, a dobra stvar ima možda više iskrenih i poštenih protivnika nego branilaca.'

Ovo je Immanuel Kant, Kritika čistog uma, Transcendentalna teorija o metodu, 2. odsek - Disciplina čistog uma s obzirom na njegovu polemičku upotrebu. Nakon 400 stranica desetogodišnjeg truda da se jasno i nedvosmisleno definira snaga ljudskog uma u svom nastojanju da o samom sebi sudi beskompromisno kritički, Kant bez imalo ustezanja opravdava da vi na lažne tvrdnje jednog naciste da su crnci intelektualno genetski inferiorni u odnosu na bijelce uzvratite jednako lažnom tvrdnjom da je sveprisutno zaostajanje razvoja 'crnačke' kulture posljedica socio-kulturnih uvjetovanosti jer im prije 50-tak godina nisu dali da jedu u istim prostorijama u kojima su jeli bjelci i to u državi koja se može pohvaliti najduljom demokratskom tradicijom i revolucionarnom izjavom 'We hold this truth to be selfevident, all men are created equal.'
Vaša tvrdnja je lažna jer je nemoguće odvojiti utjecaj genetske određenosti od utjecaja okoline, ne postoji zamisliva metoda kojom bi se mogao analizirati fenomen neponovljivosti jedne tako velike populacije, u tako kompleksnom okruženju. Nacist je 'politički nekorektan', a vi ste 'politički korektni'... kad su u pitanju 'sami temelji opšteg blagostanja', u konkretnom slučaju pretpotsavka da ne postoji jasan demarkacijski kriterij kojim bi se opravdala zlobna tvrdnja o intelektualnoj inferiornosti crnaca, vama je - kao slobodoljubivom građaninu - odvezan jezik da njime udarite po skinheadu labavim argumentima jer je opasnost kojoj bi ste se prepustili prešućujući njegove tvrdnje i tako im davajući privid znanstveno objektivne tvrdnje puno veća nego što bi bila eventualana blamaža kad bi netko superiorno politički korektan, kao što smo to ja i Jašar Čurčija, ukazao na slabost i jednog i drugog argumenta sa čisto metodološkog stanovišta. Kant vam, dakle, ukazuje na pohvalnost agilnosti da ne prešutite tako očigledno i podmuklo kontaminiranje ljudske pristojnosti uopće jednom tvrdnjom na kojoj bi se kasnije mogao izgraditi sav užas nacističkih rasnih zakona i nezamisliva perverzija 'konačnog rješenja'. Upravo je počeo deveti studenog, dan na koji je 1938. godine Holocaust ušao u svoju operativnu fazu - Kristalna noć. Slučajnost.
U dilemi što je gore, komunizam ili nacizam, Kant je jasan... njegova 'dobra stvar' je ideal jedne čiste, nedogmatske religije. Komunisti su napadali taj 'opijum za narod' baš zbog njegovih prividnih pokušaja da 'kraljevstvo nebesko' približe poviješću smrvljenom i neznanjem poniženom ljudskom rodu, mnogi komunisti su imali čistu savijest i svojom kritikom religije doveli i do njenog reformiranja, čistoća savijesti mnogih komunista bila je u obrnutom srazmjeru sa 'čistoćom' njihovih naivnih ideala i zato je njihov poraz bio dvostruk, poraženi su kao osobe kojima je osobni moralni integritet izgrizla diktatura proleterijata i poraženi su kao dio malignog ideološkog pokreta koji je napravio ogromnu štetu čak i u povijesnim razmjerima, gdje je šteta oduvijek bila nešto na čemu se nije štedjelo.
Kant nije mislio na dijalektičare historijskog materijalizma ili na spiritualiste svedeborskog tipa. On je više cijenio kritički nastrojene pojedince koji se ne mogu pomiriti sa konvencionalnim dogmatskim ustrojem naslijeđenog pa se često bune i na neprimjerene načine, valjajući se, na primjer, u blatu tijekom Woodstockovskog LSD meteža pod geslom 'Turn on, tune in, drop out' zbog kojeg su nakon dva ubijena Kennedyja 1968 godine mladi ljudi i intelektualci stupidno ignorirali predsjedničke izbore.
Ali Kant nije samo politički korektna prva pomoć za slučajeve kad vas opkoli čopor pasa pa vam vješti Kant dobaci šarenu mačku koju vi bacite što dalje od sebe i tako pse natjerate da love manjeg, ali puno efikasnijeg predatora koji, za razliku od vas, nije sišao sa drveta zauvijek. Idemo dalje...

'Ali u ove slobode spada i ta sloboda da svoje misli i svoje sumnje, koje sami ne možemo rešiti, smemo da izložimo javnoj oceni (jedna avangardna radnička partija vs. jedna dogmatska ritualistička religija - op. pooka), a da zbog toga ne budemo oglašeni za nemirne i opasne građane. Ta sloboda potiće već iz praosnovnog (?) prava ljudskog uma, koji ne priznaje nikakvog drugog sudiju već samo opšti ljudski um u kome svaki ima pravo glasa; i POŠTO OD OVOG UMA ZAVISI SVAKI NAPREDAK ZA KOJI SMO MI PREMA NAŠEM STANJU SPOSOBNI, TO NAM JE JEDNO TAKVO PRAVO SVETO I NIKO NAM GA NE SME OGRANIČAVATI. isto tako je vrlo nepametno da se izviču za opasne izvesna smela tvrđenja ili izvesni drski napadi na one koje već priznaje najveći i najbolji deo ljudi; to znači pridavati im značaj koji oni ne mogu imati. Kada čujem da se neki umniji čovek trudi da opovrgne slobodu čovjekove volje, nadu na budući život i egzistenciju boga, onda zaželim da pročitam njegovu knjigu, pošto od njegovog talenta očekujem da će proširiti moje znanje. Ja već unapred znam savršeno sigurno... (...) ...da um, kao što je apsolutno nesposoban da u ovoj oblasti postavlja pozitivna tvrđenja, isto tako, i još više, neće umeti da na ta pitanja da negativne odgovore. Jer zaista, odakle taj slobodni mislilac može dobiti svoje vajno znanje da, na primer, ne postoji nikakvo najviše biće. Ovaj stav leži izvan oblasti mogućeg iskustva i upravo zato izvan granica svakog ljudskog saznanja. UOPŠTE NE BIH ČITAO DOGMATIČKOGA BRANIOCA DOBRE STVARI PROTIV OVOG NEPRIJATELJA, JER UNAPRED ZNAM DA ĆE ON NAPADATI NA VAJNE DOKAZE PROTIVNIKA SAMO DA BI UTRO PUT ZA SVOJE SOPSTVENE PRIVIDNE DOKAZE; OSIM TOGA, JEDNA SVAKODNEVNA ILUZIJA NE PRUŽA TOLIKO MATERIJALA ZA NOVE PRIMEDBE KAO JEDNA NEOBIČNA I OŠTROUMNO IZMIŠLJENA. Međutim, protivnik religije koji je na svoj način dogmatičan može da da koristan materijal za moju kritiku i da posluži kao povod za ispravljanje nekih njenih osnovnih stavova, a da se s njegove strane ne moram ničega bojati.'

Dakle, ako Jašar Čurčija javno ustvrdi da nema boga jer se ist ne javlja na mobitel, Kant bi taj argument uzeo u obzir jer jedan intervencionistički nastrojen bog bi trebao biti stalno dostupan pa ako se ne odaziva Jašaru onda je njegova intervencionistička efikasnost jako precijenjena. A ako bi biskup Mile Bogović rekao da je Jašar Čurčija samo jedan od onih koji žele uništiti Katoličku crkvu jer biskupi ne dijele narodu svoje brojeve mobitela isključivo zbog brige da isti ne upadnu u potrošačku groznicu tipa 'sektor usluga' i ne počnu ga zvati u tri ujutro jer im je đavao izašao iz kotla za pečenje šljivovice, izvadio akumulator iz Mercedesa te ga bacio u bunar pa im sad treba egzorcist da izvadi akumulator iz bunara... e tog biskupa bi Kant smatrao samo za još jednog farizeja koji svoju ulogu eksluzivnog božjeg zastupnika na zemlji brani tako što se osjeti ugroženim jer se ponaša kao bog i batina u ovom kraljevstvu zemaljskom pa kad netko ukaže na očigledan izostanak božje intervencije, biskup misli da takvu herezu samo batina može iskorijeniti... ili barem humano preseliti.
Osim što vam kant ostavlja odvezane ruke da zbunjujete neprijatelja, on vam instalira i SVETO PRAVO da zauvijek i svuda drmate žestoko po svemu što vam vrijeđa ljudsko dostojanstvo i izaziva vašu savijest da se PRAOSNOVNIM refleksom buni protiv napada na integritet vas kao moralnog pojedinca pa makar vam i nije baš najjasnije odakle je Jašar Čurčija dobio broj božjeg mobitela.
Kant je virtuoz pamfletizma i cijela njegova kritička filozofija je jedan drski i odvažni napad na sve što se može nazvati zadanim stanjem i na sve što opstojnost tog zadanog stanja opravdava nekim izrazom ortodoksne gomile nesklada. Njegove riječi nisu šuplji eho euforično izvikivanih prosvjetiteljskih parola njegovog vremena, njegov neprijatelj je star koliko je stara i ljudska sposobnost da prepozna napast u koju čovjek iznova i iznova biva uvođen... njegov neprijatelj je vitalan kao što je vitalna i uvijek spremna ljudska sklonost da se čovjek prepusti toj napasti. I vjerujete mi na riječ, njegov neprijatelj je i vaš neprijatelj jer upravo je Kant izmislio neprijatelja a priori.

- 01:45 - Komentari (3) - Isprintaj - #

subota, 08.11.2008.

Giovinezza, giovinezza...

Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi has dismissed criticism of his description of U.S. president-elect Barack Obama as "tanned" and walked out of a news conference after blasting a journalist who pressed him on the issue.
Berlusconi appeared visibly annoyed after a Friday summit of European Union leaders when reporters questioned him about the possible political fallout of the comments he made Thursday in Russia.
The outspoken Italian leader appeared to be joking when he said Obama "has everything needed in order to reach deals with him (Medvedev): he's young, handsome and even tanned."



And now... number 1... the LINK... and now... number 1... the LINK...

- 08:09 - Komentari (2) - Isprintaj - #

petak, 07.11.2008.

Dear Lord...

...sorry about the peg.

- 19:46 - Komentari (0) - Isprintaj - #

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