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The Lip Kit mogul hurt herself as a child while playing with sister Kendall Jenner. Hosting this Symposium was, therefore, of special significance to the University of Limerick particularly since the first Master of Arts degree in Ethnochoreology, at any university in Europe, was established at the University of Limerick in The success of this event was due to the assistance and support of many people and institutions. Most Japanese flamenco apprentices were only to express their passion within the confines of the studio, except for the yearly happiokai studio presentations at one of Tokyo's bigger theatre halls or smaller tablaős.

Girls waiting to be invited to dance. Janković, Danica; Janković Ljubica 0=:>28[, 0=8F0; 0=:>28[, C18F0 0@>4=5 83@5. The main social event was the yearly Kirchweih.

- As for the data analysis and interpretation, the Mendoza model was used. Therefore, one can wonder if although the gendered differentiation of repertoires is not mandatory anymore, some implicit one remains or is back.

Organisational Committee: Catherine Foley Chair , Colin Quigley, Orfhlaith Ni Bhriain, Mats Melin. The publication of the 27 th Symposium was funded by the European Cultural Contact Point Printers: The University of Limerick, Limerick, Ireland. Printed copies 250 Editors: Elsie Ivancich Dunin and Catherine E. Foley Cover design: David Lilburn Cover photograph: Students of the MA Irish Traditional Dance Performance programme at the Irish World Academy of Music and Dance, University of Limerick, May 2009, performing Firebird. Choreography: Breandán de Gallaí. Photograph by Maurice Gunning 2014, The Irish World Academy of Music and Dance, University of Limerick, Ireland ISBN: Cataloguing in Publication Data Dance, place, festival: 27th Symposium of the International Council for Traditional Music Study Group on Ethnochoreology, Limerick, Ireland, Elsie Ivancich Dunin, Catherine E. KOUTSOUBA Greece Places, dances s and 'realities': contexts and forms of the tsamikos dance in Greece 99 Berna KURT Kemalolu Turkey From field to the stage: staged folk dance performances in Turkey and the claims about authenticity 107 Belma KURTIŞOLU Turkey Çiftetelli on artistic and social stages 113 Anu LAUKKANEN Finland Hips don't lie? Affective and kinesthetic dance ethnography 118 iii 4 Mohd Anis Md NOR; Hanafi HUSSIN Malaysia Lariangi: dancing maiden, palace and royals of the Butonese kingdom in southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia 124 Judith E. OLSON United States Pursuing meaning in heritage: táncház and intersection of conceptual and physical space 133 Elizabeth PAINTER Ireland On machismo in Cuban casino 139 Selena RAKOČEVIĆ Serbia Dance, place, and cross-cultural exchange dance practice of village Svinica Romania 145 Zdravko RANISAVLJEVIĆ Serbia Kolo u tri in the dance tradition of the Serbs: the case of the modern Serbian wedding 152 Urmimala SARKAR Munsi India Many faces of Purulia: festivals, performances and extremist activities 158 Kathleen A. Kaeppler 311 APPENDICES Biographies of contributors 315 Some moments during the 2012 symposium Anniversary concert 319 Dinner and Céili 322 Abstracts for presenters without submitted papers: Theresa Buckland, Chi-Fang Chao, Andrea Conger, Ann R. David, Georgiana Wierre-Gore, Andrée Grau, Kristin Harris Walsh, Sherry Johnson, Mats Melin, Christopher A. Miller, Andriy Nahachewsky, Mats Nilsson, Stephanie Smith. Students: Jeremy Carter-Gordon, Eleni Filippidou, Jiaying You XXX v 6 The Sionna Mosaic and The Sionna Story at the Irish World Academy of Music and Dance, University of Limerick, Ireland. Photograph of The Sionna Story Maurice Gunning. Used with kind permission. Photograph of The Sionna Mosaic Mats Melin vi 7 INTRODUCTION The 27th Symposium of the International Council for Traditional Music ICTM Study Group on Ethnochoreology took place at the Irish World Academy of Music and Dance, University of Limerick, Ireland, from 22nd 29th July, The University, situated on the River Shannon in the mid-west of Ireland, provided a beautiful location for the Symposium. The year, 2012, marked a fiftieth-year celebration of the Study Group that evolved within the earlier International Folk Music Council IFMC. Hosting this Symposium was, therefore, of special significance to the University of Limerick particularly since the first Master of Arts degree in Ethnochoreology, at any university in Europe, was established at the University of Limerick in The success of this event was due to the assistance and support of many people and institutions. Micheál Ó Súilleabháin Director , Sandra Joyce Acting Director , and faculty and staff of the Irish World Academy of Music and Dance, facilitated and supported this biennial meeting of the Symposium. The Arts Council of Ireland, the European Cultural Contact Point, Fáilte Ireland, and the University of Limerick Foundation all provided financial assistance. The National Dance Archive of Ireland at the Glucksman Library, Dance Research Forum Ireland, and ICTM Ireland also provided support. The many talented students at the Irish World Academy, including alumni of the postgraduate programmes in Ethnochoreology and Irish Traditional Dance Performance contributed to the success of the meeting by performing at the Opening Reception and at the 50th Anniversary Concert. Like all important events, rigorous organisation in programming combined with social interaction and networking was pivotal. The Local Arrangements Committee: Catherine Foley Chair , Colin Quigley, Mats Melin, and Orfhlaith Ni Bhriain coordinated their efforts to make the Symposium run in a smooth and professional manner. The Programme Committee: Colin Quigley Chair , Hanafi Bin Hussin, Mehmet Öcal Özbilgin, Daniela Stavelová, and Judy van Zile, skillfuly arranged a programme schedule. The board of the ICTM Study Group on Ethnochoreology, in particular Laszló Felfoldi Chair and Anne von Bibra Wharton Secretary , also provided much support and assistance. Presenters at the Symposium came from far and near including Canada, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Norway, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, Sweden, Taiwan, Turkey, United Kingdom, and the United States. They presented on two themes. Theme 1: Dance and Place; and Theme 2: Dance and Festival. Thirty-eight individual presenters and one roundtable presented on Theme 1, while eighteen individual presenters presented on Theme 2. Throughout the week, various Study Group meetings took place. In addition, recent scholarly publications of individuals of the Study Group together with DVD compilations of previous Study Group symposia were made available for purchase. The Organising Committee included a number of social and cultural events throughout the week. On Monday evening, 23rd July, it hosted a Céilí dance workshop. This was in preparation for the barbecue Céilí on Saturday evening, 28th July. A film evening was also introduced during the Symposium. On Tuesday evening, 24th July, the film evening took place in Theatre 1 of the Irish World Academy of Music and Dance. These were based on Irish dance. Three short UNESCO films followed on Flamenco, Slovatsco, and the Mevlevi Ceremony. On Wednesday afternoon, participants went on an excursion to the village of Killaloe in County Clare. Here they had the opportunity to explore the village and go on a short boat cruise on Lough Derg. On board, members of the Local Arrangements Committee entertained with some Irish traditional music and dance and Symposium participants also shared music, song and dance from their cultures. This was followed by dinner in Flanagan's Restaurant on the banks of Lough Derg. After the Study Group's Business Meeting on Thursday afternoon, 26th July, the participants had the opportunity to visit the National Dance Archive of Ireland at the Glucksman Library, University of Limerick. This was followed by the Pioneers' Dinner and the 50th Anniversary Concert. Students, alumni, and faculty of the Irish World Academy performed at this concert. It included traditional Irish dance and music performances and new choreographed Irish theatrical solos and ensemble works. On the final day, participants went on an optional excursion to the Burren in County Clare. They also visited the village of Doolin, the Cliffs of Moher, and finished with dinner in Bunratty Castle where they were entertained by local traditional musicians and dancers. All participants of the Symposium contributed to a stimulating, enjoyable, and a culturally enriching experience. This publication is a record of the entire event and the scholarly presentations at the Symposium. Abstracts are included for those scholars who did not submit their papers. A number of the texts are written by scholars whose first language is not English. To unify the style of the volume, the editors, Elsie Ivancich Dunin and Catherine Foley, standardised the language use and the reference style format of all papers. They endeavoured to retain the voices of the authors. Also, when representing the voices of field consultants in papers some scholars chose to use italics while others did not. The editors permitted both. The Dunin and dealaiza's DdA reference format for dance as an internationally friendly style format was applied, and British English spelling was used throughout. The publication of papers from the 27th Symposium of the Study Group on Ethnochoreology would not have been possible without the financial support of the European Cultural Contact Point and institutional support of the Irish World Academy of Music and Dance, and the University of Limerick. Ich am of Irlaunde. Come ant daunce wyth me In Irlaunde. Anonymous, circa 1300 Catherine Foley July 2014, Limerick viii 9 Sunday July 22 27th SYMPOSIUM ICTM STUDY GROUP ON ETHNOCHOREOLOGY: LIMERICK, IRELAND 2012 Programme of Events 3:00 pm BOARD MEETING, The Irish World Academy Building 5:00 pm REGISTRATION, The Irish World Academy Building 7:00 pm OPENING AND RECEPTION, The Irish World Academy Building Foyer DINNER in The Pavilion Restaurant Monday July 23 - Theme 1: Dance and Place 9:00 10:30 SESSION 1 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Colin Quigley Grau, Andrée Dance, spatiality, and the hierarchy of places: a crosscultural enquiry Gilbert, Marie-Pierre Is this the place to play with the dance? Conger, Andrea Flash mobs and folk dance: traditional dance and digital space 10:30 10:50 COFFEE 10: SESSION 2 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Mats Nilsson Giurchescu, Anca Katarinčić, Ivana Girgin-Tohumcu, Gonca Placing the dance in space. Space and place of the dance Romani dance versus Romani style dancing: a case study of Turkish Thrace Romani dance 12:20 1:30 LUNCH 1:30 3:00 SESSION 3 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Andriy Nahachewsky David, Ann R. Rakočević, Selena Ivanova-Nyberg, Daniela Performing modernity: Bhangra s global movements in new diasporic settings Dance, place and cross-cultural excange: dance practice of the village of Svinica Romania Folk dancing abroad: Bulgarian folk dance activities in the United States today 3:00 3:20 COFFEE 3:20 4:50 SESSION 4 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Orfhlaith Ni Bhriain Dunin, Elsie Ivancich Spanos, Kathleen Zebec, Tvrtko From Croatia to the Americas and Australia: Korčula's sword dances in diaspora Weaving music and braiding tradition: Irish Step Dance in Ireland and the North American diaspora Irish Maiden Croatian maiden with Irishman: Irish dancing in Croatia BREAK 7. BREAK 7:00 SUPPER in The Paddocks 8:00 10:00 FILMS. The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 x 11 Wednesday July 25 9:00 10:30 SESSION 9 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Andrée Grau Van Zile, Judy Torp, Jorgen Bajić Stojiljković, Vesna Re- Placing dance in Korea: advertising with and for dance Tango placed and unplaced. David Laukkanen, Anu Olson, Judith E. Painter, Eli Hips don t lie? Phillips, Miriam Özbilgin, Mehmet Öcal Crossing the Line: a contemporary dance festival as cultural construct Beauty and the Beast: the San Francisco Ethnic Dance Festival s global stage The Foundation for the promotion and protection of Turkish folk dances: folk dance festivals and their reflections on today 3:00 3:20 COFFEE xii 13 3:20 4:50 SESSION 17 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Judy Van Zile Loutzaki, Eirini Sarkar, Urmimala Gremlicová Dorota Local traditions into a market strategy: the representation of the Hellenic folk culture at the 2010 Hellenic Folk Culture Festival Changing face of festivals: dance, worship and extremist activities in Purulia, India Graduation Ball as a multi-functional festivity in the contemporary Czech society: example of the Gymnasium in Kladno, Central Bohemia FREE EVENING Saturday July 28 9:00 10:30 SESSION 18 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Anca Giurchescu Kaeppler, Adrienne L. Mellish, Liz Stavelová, Daniela From Hawaiian temples and chiefly courts to festival stages in Japan with a diversion for filming Dance performances as part of community festivals in Timişoara, Romania Traditional festivities in Bohemia: continuity and revitalisation 10:30 10:50 COFFEE 10:50 12:20 SESSION 19 The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 Chair: Catherine E. Foley Dankworth, Linda Dinçer, Fahriye Nilsson, Mats The state of the festival: performing politics and cultural exchange The ritual movements in the revitalized Dana Bayram1 of Afro-Turks in historical perspective Moral panic, Carneval, Festival and secure dancing during the 20th and 21st century, with some examples from Scandinavia 12:20 1:30 LUNCH 1:30 2:20 SUB-STUDY GROUP REPORTS. The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 2:20 2:30 COFFEE 2:30 3:00 CONCLUDING SESSION The Irish World Academy Building, Theatre 1 BREAK 7:30 BARBECUE CÉILI in The Pavilion Restaurant. However, its structural shift in this time period, gained semah dance new aspects as new places of performance within different contexts, as well as a medium of socio-politcal identity of Alevi society. Keywords: Turkey; semah; religion; revival; identity; space Introduction Alevism, took a tedious and rugged path to reinforce its doctrines in Muslim religion. However, its structural shift in this time period, gained semah dance new aspects as a new place of performance within different contexts, as well as a medium of socio-political identity of Alevi society. According to various researchers on Alevism Muslim sect , the belief system, which most Alevi people in Turkey today would call their religion, possibly took its root from shamanism or even from paganism and developed during Mohammad's reign. The term Alevi which means to belong to Imam Ali or followers of Imam Ali has also been used by some social scientist. Today, we are especially interested in the meaning of the terms Seyyind and Sharif because these terms were continued to be used to indicate the followers of Imam Ali. However, the system, Alevism, developed strongly after Prophet Mohammad's death in 632 AD, when his followers split into two main sects, the Alevi and Sunni, to follow their own ways of Muslim order. Sunnis or orthodox, so termed because they acknowledge the authority of the Sunna a body of moral traditions of the sayings and doings of the Prophet. At this moment, it is useful to have a short glance into the historical background of Prophet Mohammad and his family line that is outlined by W. Ridgeway to understand the connection of his contribution to development of Alevism after his death. Muhammad had several wives, first Hadijah who bore him Fatima and, later, Ayesha. Ali, son of Abu Talib, and therefore first cousin of the Prophet, married Fatima, and it was Ayesha's step motherly jealousy of the children of Kadijah and her special antipathy to Ali, arising out of a charge made against her fidelity to her husband that at last brought to a head the bitter family feud between the Hashimites and the house of Ommiyah. This culminated in the tragedy of Kerbela, which forms the chief theme of the great Passion Play of western Asia. The followers of Imam Ali made Alevism a separate relgion for themselves and the doctrines of this religion developed even stronger today; thus, it is important to understand Alevism to value the importance of semah dance as a medium of worship as well as the socio-political identity for Alevis today. Without understanding who Alevis are or what Alevism is, I think that it is impossible to know what Alevi ritual dance, the semah, is. Thus it would be useful to give a short introduction to the historical emergence of Alevism and the Alevis. Up to the sixteenth century, there was no evidence of the existence of the socio-religious or political group later known as the Alevi. Principles associated with the Alevi sect such as teberra, withdrawing, for example, or religious themes like the Twelve Imams' du vezdeh imam and the martyrdom of Imam Huseyin at Kerbela do not appear in the nefes, hymns, before the sixteenth century. Historically Alevism emerged from the numerous heterodox groups of Asia Minor which had close religious and military links to the Safavids in sixteenth century Iran. There were various heteredox groups in Anatolia with more or less close relations to one another. With the emergence of the Safavi Dynasty, however, two tendencies began to differentiate these groups. The Sufi-influenced beliefs existed all along and these heterodox groups became visible due to the Safavi influence. As the Safavid threat in the east grew stronger throughout the sixteenth century, the Ottoman state became intolerant towards other practices of Islam apart from those of the Sunnis. In spite of sharing the same origin the doctrines, Alevism and Sunnism differ considerably. To mention some, one of the main differences in the choice of worship of the Alevis is not to fast for a month during Ramadan, as the Sunnis do, but fast for ten days during the month of Moharrem for the remembrance of Kerbela, the place where Imam Husein was murdered. One other important difference between Alevis and Sunnis in the belief system is that Alevis do not pray five times a day. It is the cem ritual officiated by the dede religious leader that appears as the most significant phenomenon in this process. Cem rituals could be conceived of as secret gatherings of the Alevi communities, and often involve other kinds of latent function. Both men and women worship together at the cem so, for the Alevi masses, 'the cem functions as a mechanism for delivering justice, education, ordering social relations, and solving the spiritual problems of the society'. As mentioned above, music and dance is an important part of the cem ritual. In this context, however, semah is considered as a significant part of the ritual because, first, it is one of the twelve duties. It is believed that turing semah is the way to worship as well as to embody God; second, it is also a way of social connection within the society; and third, it is the way of reflection on the folkloric aspect of society. Thus there are many different kinds of semah performance in the cem ritual depending on the theme and the specialty of the ritual. It is mainly performed for religious expression; but it also reflects the social and folkloric aspects of Alevi society. In connection with its functional significance, semah dances vary in kind. Of the many regional variants of semah, the most widespread and important are K1rklar Semah1 Dance of the Forty Saints and Turnalar Semah1 Dance of the Cranes , with their symbolic figures of ascent. In 3 18 4 the Turnalar Semah1, the image of the elegant crane turna preparing for flight symbolizes both the ascending soul of Imam Ali and the metamorphosis of Central Asian miracle-working shamans into birds. In the K1rklar Semah1, the nocturnal ascent of the Prophet Muhammed mirac to heaven led him to the gathering of the 40 saints. Basically, in Alevi belief, the gathering of 40 saints refers to the moment after the Prophet's ascension, when he beheld the manifestation of Divine Reality in Ali. It might be argued that the Dance of the Cranes refers to the ancient shamanistic legacy of the Turkic tribes. Their hands and arms symbolize birds. It should be noted, however, that semahs were modified in various ways depending on regional differences. In other words, details of the practice of semah vary substantially among Alevi communities, but the ideas, which sustain the practices have been developed within a common fund of Alevi belief and culture in Anatolia since the sixteenth century. Kinds of semah In general, all semahs are performed in a profound spiritual manner to traditional music and accompanied words. However, due to the regional and functional differences, they differ in kind. Thus, semah can be categorised in two main groups: religious and social semah. These semahs are recognised through their music and formation. However, due to their profound meaning and formational similarity, it is not simple for outsiders to differentiate them. For example, K1rklar Semah or Mirçlama is known to be the most respected and religiously significant among all semahs as it is known to have been performed by the Prophet Mohammad himself at the cem ritual during the time that he visited the forty saints K1rklar cem ritual. This semah, formationally, is probably the simplest and the shortest to perform. However, religiously, it is the most important semah for the reason given above. K1rklar Semah, according to the rules of the cem ritual, is the first semah to be performed. Following this semah all the other ones can be performed randomly. The performance of K1rklar Semah varies according to the region where it is performed. Thus, in some areas it is performed by elderly only, and in other areas every person, young and old, can join to perform it. At the end of K1rklar Semah, following the dede, everyone sits down again to continue the ritual. Thus, semahs carry varying regional features and differ in kind. For example, most Tahtac1 semahs usually known in Malatya, Mersin, Antalya or the other areas of southern Turkey, known as Gonuller Semah, are not considered religiously as significant as the ones mentioned above and could be performed indoors or outdoors at different events other than religious rituals. Generally, performing semah requires some rules and these rules might also differ regionally. First of all, people who join to perform semah have to bow niyaz in front of the dede to begin. Niyaz bowing to begin semah. At the end of semah, the dancers or semah turners form a line facing the dede to bow again, and wait for the acceptance of their semah performance as one of the twelve duties; in turn, dede, as a mediator, prays, naming God, Mohammad and Imam Ali for the dancers who pray through semah. Different kinds of semah, from different regions have a unique ritual of beginning and ending. In Tokat city, Hubyar Semah also called S1rach Semah , is structurally one of the most unique where men and women move speedily in the right direction, in circular formation, while women turn around their own axes and men move their arms in a very unique way of circular movement moving sideways in the same direction. One other striking characteristic of semah is the beginning and the ending of the ritual; these will be discussed later. Structural and formational shift of semah As important as it has been mentioned above, in a great cultural shift, especially in the last two decades, an important medium of worship, as well as a medium of social identity for the Alevis, the religious dance semah performed in its spiritual context for centuries has been freely carried out in heterogeneous public and ordinary contexts, such as music clubs, theatre stages, tourist spectacles, city centres, and even in big stadiums. This shift is so significant that even K1rklar Semah Miraçlama , stated above as, religiously, the most important semah, and therefore forbidden to be performed outside the cem ritual, is carried out of its original natural context. This shift is the main reason why questions are raised to inquire about the motivations behind it to indicate how, in such a short time, an important medium of worship has moved from its spiritual context to ordinary platforms; this has contributed to a structural and spiritual shift which, in turn, has earned it new aspects: a Medium of Revival and Identity, a New Meaning, a New Performance Place, and New Form and Function as part of its structural, sociological, psychological, political, economic as well as its contextual change. The first new and important aspect semah has gained is the medium of identity. This aspect was perceived as the revival of Alevism in society with which Alevis gained freedom of expression by ordinarily performing semah in order to freely express their identity. To gain this freedom, Alevis began to perform semah in every possible platform such as tourist places, restaurants, streets, music clubs, television stations, and stadiums, despite that, in their hearts, they believed that it only should be performed in its own context in the cem ritual. Gani Pekşen, an Alevi academic researcher and folk music singer expressed his feelings regarding the performance of semah outside its religious context: 6 Fortunately, the situation, for Alevis has recently changed because the number of Alevi population has increased tremendously and they started speaking out more freely. Now the time for Alevis is different; they can speak up and present their identity expressively. Moreover, our spiritual dance semah is deliberately performed in various platforms to politically reinforce Alevi identity for our society. However, I must say that, culturally, the cem ritual has to be organized in private among the Alevis and semah should be performed by Alevis only because the outsiders naturally do not feel and value the ritual as we do. Despite this fact, we deliberately open the cem ritual to the public so they can join us and learn our tradition and support us for our long lasted sociopolitical cause. This also affected the change in Alevi society. First of all, today, the time and the culture has shifted and changed towards irreligious way for many Alevis, especially for the young people. Therefore, especially rural areas like big cities and towns most young Alevi believers do not feel obligated to follow the old cem traditions as much as they used to be. However, now, even if they join the cem ritual, that would be the reason for social identity issue which is more political than educational or religious purpose. In fact, because of the Alevi identity issue, they deliberately would like to be there to be able to express themselves freely. In the past, when I was a child, we would definitely join the cem rituals. We, as kids, were obligated to go to cem ritual with our parents. It, traditionally, was mandatory among the small village society. In that time, every one valued semah as very important medium of religious expression. Semah as in the past, is still very important for our society. In fact, we do not call semah a dance. I would say that is a way of expressing our religious and social feelings bodily. This semah is always performed first in the cem rituals and should never be performed outside its spiritual context. Gonuller Semah, in spite of their ritualistic motives, as all semahs have, do not carry religious significance. The second new aspect semah has gained in the late cultural shift in Alevi culture is political expression. Semah has been considered as a way of worship and social expression since it was formed; however, its transformation into political aspect was not openly expressed until the last several decades. However, a well known poet and ashug ozan Pir Sultan Abdal of the sixteenth century was killed for openly expressing his political thoughts about the rights of Alevi-Bektashi society. Semah, traditionally, should be performed in its spiritual context, at a cem house; this was the case for centuries; it was performed in secret for centuries in a village room in private. However, especially in the last two decades, to reinforce society's socio-political expression, it has been carried outside its original context, from a village room, the cem house, to ordinary contexts. The fourth aspect that the semah has gained is the new form and function. Pekşen, 2008 June 21 Usually, no less than three people perform it. What has changed lately is that the space or place of semah has begun to determine its function, and the function determine its form and structure. In this regard, depending on the nature of the cem ritual, when it is performed in its original context it is performed for religious and social reasons in its original context. Moreover, in the original context, only those who are known turners of semah are correctly the performers, and the number of them is not many because, semah in the cem, is performed for not only the performer's own sake, but also for those attending the ritual. When semah is performed outside its original context, it is prepared for an audience as a form of entertainment carrying no ritualistic significance. These types of semah are usually choreographed or reorganised for the audience on stage, where the nmber of performers is not limited to certain numbers. Besides its form, what is also included in semah lately is costume. Originally, semah is naturally performed as part of ritual, without any preparation by the individuals who feel like joining in their everyday 8 23 clothing. There is no special costume for it. However, recently, some dance trainers created a costume to make it fit into or look like, staged folk dances. Semah turning for peace. It is still valued highly and still functional as it was in the past. Moreover, through cultural change and a structural shift, it has earned new aspects through the years. However, this role, in turn, made semah lose its secrecy when it was carried out from a village room changing its secretly practised religious form of expression in a homogenous society to more freely practised social and political form in a heterogeneous society. Thus, it is now perceived and valued differently in different contexts where it functions accordingly. It is religious in its original context and performed with a different state of spirituality; in the other platforms, those mentioned above, as new settings, it is mostly social and political; therefore, it mostly functions as a medium for society's socio-political actions, which have been widely discussed above. Today, due to the cultural shift and socio-political issues, even the most secret K1rklar Semah is being ordinarily performed outside the cem ritual. The municipal of Hac1 Bektash town, which is the place of pilgrimage for the Alevi-Bektashi population, organises a Memorial Festival on behalf of Hac1 Bektash Veli annually where semah is performed on stage one after the other, and usually choreographed by folk dance trainers. Among all of these events, it is useless to mention the many other ratingsoriented television stations that have similar programs on Alevi issues which have affected spiritual and structural change of semah today. As a result, through the cultural and socio-political shift, from a village room to a stadium, not only has semah lost its secrecy but also many newly choreographed semah dances, with created movements, have appeared that carry neither traditional nor spiritual value. These dances are basically, created to composed music for the sake of entertainment. Moreover, today in Turkey, it is fashionable for many folk dance trainers to teach semah as a recreational activity. Veysel Akbaba is a dede. Timur EŞIGUL resource person Interview by Gurbuz Aktas at State Turkish Music Conservatory. Izmir: Ege University, January 24. Timur Eşigül is an Alevi informant and an academician. Gani PEKŞEN resource person Interview by Gurbuz Aktas at Ege University, State Turkish Music Conservatory, February 8. Gani Pekşen is an Alevi informant and an academician. RIDGEWAY, William The dramas and dramatic dances of non- European races. New York: Benjamin Blom. The modern and postmodern, mainly abstract dancing eras, brought many trends in choreography and scenic movement, using new meanings of expression and advanced technologies. Among the choreographical styles and approaches to scenic movements, the folk tradition from the Balkans and South-East Europe has been developed in its irresistible vitality through the creativity of individuals dancers, teachers, amateur and professional choreographers who have been giving it new life through the aesthetics of staging. Transferring traditional dance into a new, choreographic form has been a strong tradition in Serbia since the 1930s. In connection with stage place I propose a structural analysis of choreographical spatial composition which I examine through this period. Keywords: Serbia; choreography; stage; space; composition; analysis Starting from the universal components, constituents of a dance's morphology: space, kinetics and time, I define the concept 'folk dance choreography. Introduction In practice, stage is in choreographic vocabulary usually described as any place indoors or outdoors where a group of dancers perform a choreography and where the audience is separated from performers. With the function of presenting, it could be said that choreography of folk dance belongs to the category of presentational dance, as opposed to participatory dance Nahachewsky 1995. In her book Anthropology and the Dance 2004 Williams makes a distinction between the structured semantic space within which events take place naming it an external space and the use of space that is internal to an action sign system itself that is internal form space. In other words, the space in which the performance takes place is separated from the patterns of spatial pathways and movements of dancers' limbs that make up a dance itself. In the context of differentiating stage space and stage place I lean on the thoughts of Anne Ubersfeld from her book Reading a theatre Ibersfeld 1982. On the contrary, stage place is a limited and isolated part of the space, the place where the action is happening. Finally, according to Ubersfeld stage place is precisely coded depending on the stage habits of a particular period. It could be said that stage as the specific area of art or a particular place has a certain structure that shapes the way of presenting traditional dance. Nosál's interpretation, very useful for choreografic craft, draws on his wealth of experience in Slovakian choreography of folk dance and the general principles and rules used in theatrical arts. Arnheim's interpretation of space is very important for my consideration of stage space particularly with regard to dynamics and the equilibrium centre. He also pointed out certain dynamic processes crescendo and diminuendo, increasing and compression , which are, in choreographic terms, related to the spatial composition and, thus, refer to dynamism of formation changes, which consequently result in changes of the equilibrium centre. According to the above it could be said that the stage as an external space with its limits of space, active and less active points, vectors that radiate to the central point and other principles affects the internal space of the choreography of folk dance which consists of step patterns, pathways, dancers, and other visible elements. To all the mentioned authors a structuralistic approach is a common characteristic in the conception of stage space, what was for me the starting point in developing my own approach, but mostly I relied on the ideas of Drid Williams. Internal space spatial area of the particular choreography Internal space includes notions of space of the artwork itself. Their observations about formations in the Serbian dance tradition were connected with classifications according to which all formations could be divided. After the attempts of the IFMC Study Group for Folk Dance Terminology in 1972, when the term formation was first introduced in ethnochoreological discourse, 2 Anca Giurchescu and Sunni Bloland explicitly considered both the terms formation and arrangement in space as the most readily apparent constituents of a dance's morphology. As Giurchescu and Bloland point out regarding Romanian traditional dances, and which could also be said of Serbian traditional dances, that dances are done in a formation, which remains unchanged for the duration of the dance. On the contrary, major changes occur in folk dance choreography as these are works of authorship in which formation is an extremely important and changeable parameter. Internal space spatial area of the particular choreography is the concept that is directly connected with my concept of spatial composition. It is important in my analytical observations because it opens the possibility of its own structural analysis. Structural analysis of spatial composition of the folk dance choreography In order to observe spatial dimension in choreographies of folk dance I used structural and formal analysis as the important tools in my choreological investigation. In defining the spatial dimension I applied both the considerations of Danica and Ljubica Janković sisters, and Anca Giurchescu and Sunni Bloland with certain modifications. All three of them have to be observed from the beginning to the end of the choreography. Graph 1: Hierarchically organised elements of spatial composition of the folk dance choreography 13 28 Formation in dance is considered as the system that includes the following six parameters: 1. Grouping of dancers: one, twos, threes, group; 2. Number of dancers: one, two, three, four, and so on; 3. Gender of dancers: male, female, mixed; 4. Shape or geometric configuration of the formation: circle, semicircle, line, point; 5. Reciprocal body orientation of dancers: face-to-face, side-by-side, face-to-back, back-to-back; 6. Connections between dancers: by hand, by arms, crossed forward, crossed backward, and so on. In Serbian dance culture formations are kolo in the shape of a circle , lesa in the shape of a line , trojka or triplet, par or couple and solo. In choreography, changes of formation are the most apparent. Formation changes occur at certain times with certain dynamics. Each formation has its own duration and its so-called transitional moments that precede and conclude it. All this creates a specific rhythm with the alternation of static and dynamic segments. Static segments achieve fixed formations assigned with S , while dynamic segments assigned with D generate transitional moments in which pathways have a crucial role. Pathways can be curved, linear or circular. It is important to note that pathways are observed on macro and micro levels. Choreography is a processual activity, which is achieved by constant changing of static and dynamic segments inside and between mise-en-scčnes. The term Mise-en-scčne 3 is used in various writings about the choreography of modern and classical dance but it is not clearly explained anywhere. Considering its usage in theatre and film, I find it very appropriate in analysing the spatial dimension in folk dance choreography. Here it could be defined as the aesthetic and harmonious arrangement of formations on the stage represented through single, completed scenes that occur at a certain moment, alongside the arrangements of other visual elements, such as costume, lighting, and scenography. Changes of mise-en-scčne also changes the equilibrium centre. Speaking about the meaning of a single formation and its function, we can say that in a rural tradition formations were functionally determined by a ritual context and its significance. In social dance, formation has a social connotation. Opposed to the functional interdependence of formations in a traditional dance then and now, formations and mise-en-scčnes in choreography of folk dance have primarily an aesthetic function. However, professional choreographers, as well as theatre directors, have been constantly emphasising the importance of the meaning of single formation and, in a broader sense, mise-en-scčne, in order to prevent its being on the stage without any meaning and relation to its content see Klajn 1995; Laban 2002; Markard 1993. The meaning of every mise-en-scčne and spatial composition in choreography, in general, could be considered using dance and music form analysis and their mutual relationship, which will be my next investigation in this topic. Graphical presentation of spatial composition Spatial composition could be represented graphically with floor plans according to the method of Rudolf Laban which was further developed by Albrecht Knust and Ann Hutchinson Guest. The performers' position on stage is marked by pins, black for male and white for female. Indication of the number of performers, indication of couples in group formations and general group indications are also adopted. To coordinate floor plans with the music score, the appropriate music measure number is used below the floor plan. Spatial composition in the examples of the folk dance choreographies from Serbia Through four video examples of choreographies of folk dance from Serbia, which represent a key artistic achievement in different periods 1948, 1978, 1980, 2006 , I present the system of analysing their spatial composition. Structural and formal analysis enables us to examine the development of spatial composition in the Serbian choreographed folk dance tradition from 1948 until the year 2006 see Table 1. Selected choreographies belong to one choreographic genre that is a Suite of song and dance, 4 which is introduced in the following examples: 1 Suite of dances from Serbia. Choreographed in 1948 by Olga Skovran. Music arrangement by Ljubomir Bošnjaković. The year of performance is 1991 Radio Television Belgrade. Performed by the National Ensemble Kolo, Belgrade. Choreographed in 1978 by Dragomir Vuković. Music arrangement by Petar Josimović. The year of performance is 1998 Radio Television Belgrade. Performed by National Ensemble Kolo, Belgrade. Choreographed in 1980 by Desanka Đorđević,. Music arrangement by Slavko Mitrović. The year of performance is 2012 Folklore Magazine. Performed by KUD Gradimir, Belgrade. Choreographed in 2006 by Milorad Lonić. Music arrangement by Dragan Narančić. The year of performance is 2011 Radio Television Vojvodina. Performed by FA Vila, Novi Sad. FOLK DANCE CHOREOGRAPHY PARAMETERS OF THE STRUCTURE OF SPATIAL COMPOSITION 1 1948 Suite of dances from Serbia, Author Olga Skovran 2 1978 Dances from Stara planina, Author Dragomir Vuković 3 1980 Dances from around Leskovac, Author Desanka Đorđević I. Mise-en-Scčnes completed scenes for each dance of the Suite Number of scenes for each dance 1 Formations 1. Grouping of dancers twos, threes, fours, group of five, six, ten, eighteen and twenty 4 one, twos, threes, group of four, six, sixteen group of five, ten and twenty 2. Number of dancers Dances from central Serbia, Author Milorad Lonić one, twos, group of four, eight, sixteen 3. Gender of dancers mixed, female, male female, male, mixed female, male, mixed female, male, mixed 4. Geometric configuration of the formation 5. Reciprocal body orientation of dancers 6. Pathways on macro level one and two semicircles, one or two circles, one and two lines side-by-side, face-toface, face-to-back by the shoulders male , by hands down, under hands, crossed in front of the belt regular changing of S and D formations; D are in transition pathways one, two and more lines, circle, semi-circle, one and more points side-by-side, face-toface, face-to-back by hands up, hands down, crossed in front belt, crossed behind hands,by shoulders, free regular changing of S and D formations; D are mainly in transition, achieved by moving a particular formation in space turns, forward, backward one and two semicircles, one and two circles, circle in a circle, one to four lines side-by-side, face-toface, face-to-back by hands up, by hands crossed in front of the belt, by hands down regular changing of S and D formations; D are mainly in transition, achieved by moving a particular formation in space e. Also, when dance and music phrase are not congruent, spatially and visually they are. Changes of formations are congruent with music sections or phrases. Sometimes formations anticipate changes of music. Changes of formations are congruent with music sections or phrases. When dance and music phrase are not congruent, music is of secondary importance compared to mise-enscene. Changes of formations are congruent with music sections or phrases. Structurally, spatial composition, based on mise-en-scčnes, formations and pathways show many similarities. Mise-en-scčnes in all four examples are completed scenes with aesthetic and harmonious arrangement of formations in each dance inside the suite. There is regular changing of static and dynamic segments with curved, circular, and straight pathways. Changes of mise-en-scčnes are mostly congruent with the music. Mise-enscčne is a connecting factor between different dances in a suite. Differences between those four choreographies are the consequences of the individual creation of an author. These are especially on the level of the grouping and number of dancers, their connections, which depend on the region, and the order of using selected geometric configurations. Generally, there is almost no difference at the structural level between those four examples from different periods, as well as between other examples of choreographies I have analysed. But, the crucial role in observing differences in their spatial compositions is the rhythm of changing static and dynamic segments according to dance and music relations. It depends on the author, but, generally speaking, older choreographies have slow or very slow rhythm of changing mise-enscčnes. As we approach the present time period their dynamism is reinforced, although their spatial compositions structurally remained almost the same as in the decade after World War II. My theoretical observations for this paper form part of my ongoing PhD research in ethnomusicology and ethnochoreology at the Faculty of Music, Belgrade , which focuses on stage presentation of Serbian traditional dance. In the 1974 Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council the term group formation was used where it was described as circle, line, or couple IFMC Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council 1974:122. Mise-en-scčne is a French term and originates in the theatre. The term is used also in film. Famous film editor, Sergei Mikhailovich Eizenshtein, developed Mise-en-scčne in film to the level of art Ejzenštejn 1999. Working on the genre categories of choreography of folk dance in the Serbian choreographed dance tradition, I examine three of them, these being suites of songs and dances, dramatisations and variations. Here, I focused on one genre suites of songs and dances because of its prevalence in the Serbian choreographed folk dance tradition. References cited Arnheim, Rudolf @=E0X<, C4>;D >[ F5=B@0, #=825@78B5B C<5B=>AB8 C 5>3@04C, !BC45=BA:8 :C;BC@=8 F5=B0@, 5>3@04. Original: The power of the center. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. Ejzenštejn, Sergej M Umenie mizanscény II. Giurchescu, Anca; Bloland Sunni Romanian traditional dance. Mill Valley, California: Wild Flower Press. Hutchinson Guest, Ann Labanotation: the system of analyzing and recording movement. Ibersfeld, An Čitanje pozorišta. Original: Anne Ubersfeld, Lire le théâtre, 1978, Editions sociales, Paris. Also online: 2013 October 16. Janković, Danica; Janković Ljubica 0=:>28[, 0=8F0; 0=:>28[, C18F0 0@>4=5 83@5. Beograd: Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu. Laban, Rudolf Mojstrstvo gibanja. The mastery of movement. Ljubljana: Mestno gledališče ljubljansko. Brockton, New York: Congress on Research in Dance. Williams, Drid Anthropology and the dance. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Although the festival is named for the dancing which occurs outdoors by a special tree, traditionally dancing also occurs in the local inn and at the homes of specific people who hold special roles in the village priest, mayor, teacher. The paper also addresses the interplay of various forces affecting the Herbstadt community and their impact on this important community festival, including the negative impact of the most recent building renovation on the space for dancing in the community inn. This paper is based on the author's recent field work at the 2010 Plantanz in Herbstadt and her earlier fieldwork and research into Herbstadt's dance events from , originally carried out for her Masters Thesis. The specific focus of this presentation will be the changing places where dancing has occurred within this event over a time period from 1910 to It draws in part on my Master's thesis, which examined continuity and change in the dance events of two villages in the Lower- Franconian region of Germany, both of which hold Plan-dances. Unlike the other village in that study which celebrates its Plantanz annually in the same outdoor location around a living tree , Herbstadt holds a Plantanz every 10 years. In 2010 I was finally able to participate and observe the entire event in person. After a brief discussion of Plan-dances, I will provide an overview of the Herbstadt event and then focus on place and dance within this event, providing a one hundred year perspective on how it has changed. The same work also gives several definitions of the term Plan itself. Other commentators also describe the Plan as an even or flat space. Whether or not this area was the original Plan in earlier centuries remains unknown, however it is clear that the Planbaum or Plan-tree that is the focus of activities during the event was not set up in this area during the period between 1900 and 1960, but rather below the hill, across the street from the community inn which is built partly into the side of the hill. Before discussing these places further, I would like to give you a brief overview of the event as a whole. From left to right Herbstadt community inn, tall Plan-tree, church. Photograph: Anne von Bibra Wharton, 2010 Note: During the presentation of this paper, a power point was then shown featuring photographs primarily from the 2010 event along with copies of photographs from earlier years, accompanied by narration, some of which is included in the text below. They also visit homes of village council members, and so on and dance in courtyards or streets. On Monday a Plan-lad dances with his partner in the courtyard of her home while others watch. Photograph: Anne von Bibra Wharton, 2010 21 36 22 Figure 3. The Plan-couples process past the former lower inn. Photograph: Anne von Bibra Wharton, 2010 Dancing on the Plan The Plan-tree has been moved from below the hill across the street from the community inn to a slanted area on top of the hill, next to the inn. Dancing at homes of dignitaries and Plan-girls As one could see in some of the photographs see Figure 2 for example , the place available for dancing in the second category private homes of dignitaries and Plan-girls varies quite a bit in terms of size, shape and dance surface. At the time of the 1910 Plantanz, dancing in the community inn took place downstairs on the ground floor in a multipurpose room. At that time the village organist used the upper story for storage and there was also a side room that was used as sleeping accommodation for traveling apprentices who spent time in the village. In , the upper story was remodeled in order to create a Tanzsaal or dance hall, although the smaller side room remained. Removing that wall created a space where tables with benches could be set up in the dance hall. Prior to that time only benches lined the sidewalls, barely encroaching on the 37 dance floor space. The men would stand in the middle of the floor, perhaps holding a beer stein and talking and drinking in between dances and during band breaks. When they asked a woman to dance, they would place their drink mug on her bench seat for the duration of the dance Bibra 1987. By the mid-1970s, a narrow table had been added behind a bench on one wall where the young men sat or stood and set their drinks on the table. One change was the replacement of wooden floor boards with a wooden parquet floor. Diagramme of the dance hall floor plan in 1984 Bibra 1987 The most recent changes to the indoor dance space The most recent changes were made between 2003 and 2005, when renovations were undertaken to repair two outer walls and also redo the roof on this building. The changes made at this time have had a big impact on the space available for dancing. Watching the Plan-couples performing a Polonaise there in 1990 versus 2010 highlights the difference. Whereas in 1980 and 1990 there was room for lines of eight across to form before the winding in and out begins, in 2010 that was impossible. Inside the dance hall during the Friday night dance, which had a Bavarian theme. The new wooden posts can be seen as well as the tables extending out into the room, perpendicular to the wall. Photograph: Anne von Bibra Wharton, 2010 Addition of posts: reasons and ramifications When I first heard about these changes to the dance place, I was told that someone had seen in an old photograph that there used to be posts in the room, so when the renovations were made to repair the roof, they had to go back and change it because the Bayerische Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Bavarian State Office for the Preservation of Monuments insisted on it Eberhardt 2010. Rather than considering the way the dance hall was or would be used and the role it plays in the carrying out of important community traditions such as the Plantanz, it seems priority was given to restoring the space to an arbitrary set up from a specific point in time, even though the community had gone to pains and expense in more recent times thirty to forty years earlier to open up the space to create a larger dance place. However, I think the posts are even more problematic now than they would have been originally when tables and chairs were not standard for dance halls in the way they have become today. While most of those dances are no longer part of the standard dance programme in Herbstadt today as they were in the 1950s , it has not been that long since the Walzer was a part of the dance repertoire known and danced by almost everyone. If a Franconian dance evening was ever reintroduced in this community, it is doubtful the dance hall in the community 24 39 inn would make a suitable venue. At the same time I must admit that it worked fine for some of the newer additions to the dance repertoire, such as a line dance similar to the Electric Slide. Fox, the most prevalent couple dance both now and in the last several decades, also worked fine in the newly renovated space because it is done primarily on the spot or only moving a little, rather than traveling around the dance floor in a circular, counterclockwise direction as the older round dance repertoire does. Conclusion The challenges currently facing village inns have been noted by scholars as well as community members and village authorities such as the current Mayor of Herbstadt Rath 2012, Speckle 2003. My own study of continuity and change in the dance events of the region during the twentieth century found that inns with small dance floors had been particularly challenged by post World War II changes in dance events due to the fact that they cannot accommodate a large enough crowd to cover the expense of hiring one of the more popular bands and yet, without such bands, they have difficulty attracting enough patrons to their dance events Bibra 1987 and this continues to be an issue. The decision to return to an earlier style of dance hall set up through the reintroduction of posts in the centre of the room may well exacerbate this problem. Such a decision places more value on the physical set up and adherence to a particular point in time than to the expression of the village's intangible heritage, 12 particularly through a special event that only occurs every 10 years: the Herbstadt Plantanz. The video clips provided a clear example of the space restrictions. In Gochsheim the other village the dancing during the Plantanz takes place primarily around a living linden tree in the centre of the village Bibra 1987. Typically the Herbstadt Kirchweih takes place at Martini in November. In 2010 the young people planning the event opted to move the event to October in hopes of better weather Lurz 2010. The power point presented at this point in the presentation featured the author's photographs of the 2010 event as well as photographs from earlier years drawn from the photographic exhibit on display during the weekend which featured Plan-dance events from It also included video clips of dancing outside a local dignitary's home and inside the community inn. Kirmes is the local dialect term for Kirchweih, an annual church festival. Its burial at the edge of the village near a specific tree represents the official end of the Plankirmes. A smaller room where Holy Communion was prepared also remained. In writing about Lower-Franconian village inns between , Speckle notes that many inns had a dance hall on the upper floor, which can be seen as a forerunner to the multi-purpose and sport halls. The main social event was the yearly Kirchweih. During this time the stairs leading up to the dance hall were broadened and made less steep which means that the staircase now extends further into the room. Earlier there was a doorway with swinging doors and it did not extend more than one meter in to dance space. During the most recent renovation they also took out the musicians' podium Eberhardt 2012. At the Saturday evening dance in 2010, the large area taken up by the hired band's sound and lighting equipment and tent-like area also encroached significantly on the available space for the dance tour by the Plan-couples. Tables and chairs are now set up perpendicular to the wall whereas earlier the tables and chairs were turned sideways along the wall so that they left a large open area in the centre. In fact, in the late 1980s and first half of the 1990s, Franconian dance evenings were held in this space. They featured primarily the typical Franconian round dances along with some figure dances that include round dance sections. It is not clear to me whether or not the community really had the option of not putting the posts in once the Denkmalpflege directed them to, nor is it clear to what extent, if any, the village administration attempted to argue with them against this course of action. As a postscript, I must admit that the situation turned out to be less straight forward than I originally thought, as I recently learned. It turns out that there was an additional rationale for the restoration of the posts. According to the mayor Rath 2012 , the measures originally taken to suspend the ceiling and support the roof in other ways in order to open up the space in the dance hall had led to a situation where over time the roof had shifted somewhat so that more weight was placed on one wall, causing it to fail or at the very least need repair. At this point I do not know enough about it to weigh all the pros and cons, but I still cannot help but regret the reintroduction of the posts in to the dance hall space. References cited Bibra, Anne Louise von Continuity and change in the dance events of two Lower Franconian villages during the twentieth century master's thesis. Los Angeles: University of California U. Bibra Wharton, Anne Louise von participantobserver Participant-observation at the Plantanz in Herbstadt, Germany, 8-11 October. Bibra Wharton, Anne Louise von photographer Herbstadt Plantanz digital photographs. Saint Paul: private collection. Proceedings of the 18th symposium of the Study Group on Ethnochoreology, the International Council for Traditional Music, August 9-18 in Skierniewice, Poland: Warsaw: Instytut Sztuki PAN. Eberhardt, Hermann resource person Informal interview by Anne von Bibra in Herbstadt; October Informal interview by Anne von Bibra in Bad Königshofen, July 16. Lurz, Daniel resource person Informal conversation with Anne von Bibra; 9 October. Rath, Georg resource person Interview notes by Anne von Bibra, July 16, Ottelmannshausen. Saint Paul, Minnesota: private collection. Speckle, Birgit Schafkopf und Musikbox. Würzburg, Germany: Bezirk Unterfranken, Kulturarbeit und Heimatpflege und Museen Schloss Aschach. CHANGES IN POETIC AND MELODIC IDENTITY COMPONENTS IN THE COMMUNITY OF VATHYLAKKOS, KARDITSA In its primary versions, folk dance forms part of an act-event and consists of the following triptych: movement, music and poetic composition. In the mountain area of Karditsa, and more concretely, in the community of Vathylakkos, the inhabitants were those who would determinate the composition and the use of the above three elements. The aim of the present essay is to designate said particularity and to delimit the time frame within which that fact was observed, as well as to observe its evolution and the reasons that led to changes in the way of performing dance. Data collection was made on the basis of ethnographic method. During the 1960s, musical instruments replaced the voice of the inhabitants and there was a variety of factors that contributed to that differentiation. These two different dancing expressions collide and coexist, creating a beautiful mixture in their dancing representations and repertoire. Keywords: Greece; dance; music; changes; society; representation Introduction In its primary versions, folk dance forms part of an act-event and consists of the following triptych: movement, music and poetic composition. In the mountain area of Karditsa, and more concretely, in the community of Vathylakkos, the inhabitants are those who determinate the composition and use of the above three elements; they create the poetic composition and accompany their dances with melody. The aim of the essay is to designate the human factor, namely the dancer, who is the exclusive responsible executor of the threefold dance event, composed of movement, music, and poetic composition. Furthermore, the essay aims to delimit the time frame within which that fact was observed, as well as to observe its evolution and the reasons that led to changes in the way of performing at community dance events. Data collection was made on the basis of ethnographic method, and data was obtained from primary as well as secondary sources Sklar 1991; Buckland 1999; Robson 2007. As for the data analysis and interpretation, the Mendoza model was used. The previous name was Lakresi or Lakresion. The inhabitants are considered to be locals with few exceptions and they are mainly 27 42 engaged in livestock and less in farming, which means that Vathylakkos is a closed rural economy. Map of Greece Figure 2. Map of Karditsa Changes in poetic and melodic identity components and their influence in the dancing repertoire in the community of Vathylakkos In the community of Vathylakkos, whether they were ritual dances or dances performed in feasts panigiria , inhabitants would dance to the accompaniment of their own voices, musical instruments being totally absent. Dances were mixed of both genders and the dancers would sing, with men starting the song and women repeating the verse, a practice that would be followed and continued up to the end of the dance process. During the late 1950s, and mostly during the 1960s, musical instruments made their appearance in the region, and they gradually replaced the voice of the inhabitants. There was a variety of factors that contributed to that differentiation. First, the interaction of the community with other communities affected the way they were singing and dancing. During the foresaid period 1950s and 1960s a great number of people of the community of Vathylakkos, started to associate with other communities, due to advancement in technology and marriages that were held between people of Vathylakkos and other communities. Due to these factors, the people of Vathylakkos were introduced to a different way of entertainment that slowly became a part of their own entertainment, and they started to introduce musical instruments to their own ritual dances or dances performed at feasts panigiria. Another factor was the change of entertainment habits among young people. Many young people at that period started to listen to other kinds of music, through radio and gramophone. They got used to listening to musical instruments and they started to be fond of this new form of entertainment. Furthermore the difficulty and tiredness produced by dancing and singing at the same time seems to be an important factor. It is a fact that singing and dancing at the same time can be very tiring and difficult. For this reason, people of Vathylakkos decided to quit singing and replace it with musical instruments. So, they could dance more and get less tired; that was more practical for them. From the above it can be concluded that practical reasons led to this change. Finally, the intense urbanisation observed at that period within the Hellenic territory was an important factor of change. During the period of the 1960s intense urbanisation made its appearance. This fact 28 43 has contributed to the formation of a new human type: the homo urbanus, and it was more intense in the mountainous area of Thessaly, where Karditsa and Vathylakkos are located. This fact inevitably affected the community of Vathylakkos. Many people abandoned the community, in search of a better life in the cities. According to the people of Vathylakkos and other sources the people from the community emigrated to other countries such as Germany, Australia, and U. So, they started to communicate with other people from other cities or communities, with different ways of entertainment and, in general, with other cultural backgrounds. This new way of entertainment affected their way of singing and dancing. Therefore, they preferred to quit singing and replace voices with musical instruments; they danced only to the ritual dances or dances performed at feasts panigiria. Conclusions From the above, it is clearly observed that the triptych of dance is no longer performed by only the inhabitants performing as dancers-singers, but one of its componential elements, music, has ceded to the folk music instrument players. The foresaid period was meant to be the landmark for the dance events in Vathylakkos, and it was marked by profound and serious changes in the dancing representations and cultural expressions within the community of Vathylakkos. After that period, dancers were not the only communicants of the dance events. Therefore, nowadays, many dances are either accompanied by musical instruments or are no longer danced, because the new generation is no longer fond of those types of dances. Furthermore it is observed that the new generation prefers dances from neighbouring communities mainly mountainous , from the plains area of Karditsa, or other regions, such as Epirus and Peloponnese, which are regions that have common dancing forms. Nevertheless, older inhabitants of the community in contrast to the new generation are fond of dances performed with voice accompaniment. This fact reflects their dance practices up to the present time and they prefer dances that are not danced in other communities or outside their mountainous area. These two different dancing expressions collide and coexist, creating a beautiful mixture in their dancing representations and repertoire. Mendoza, Zoila Shaping society through dance. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Meraklis, Michalis Greek laography. Robson, Colin Real world research. New York: Congress on Research in Dance. On Croatia's Adriatic coastal island of Korčula, there exist two types of sword dances that are performed only by those in their respective town a doublesword dance, Moreška or villages a single-sword dance, Kumpanjija. Although the sword dance performances were practised and highly esteemed by the emigrant populations, why might they not continue in a diaspora context? What were the factors that brought about discontinuity in the North and South American contexts, while the same sword dances continue in their source town and villages and one continues in the Australian diaspora? With six diaspora examples in the Americas and Australia, this paper discusses and identifies some of the contributing factors. Keywords: Croatia Korčula island ; Americas Chile, California ; Australia; swords; diaspora On Croatia's Adriatic coastal island of Korčula Figure 1 map , there exist two types of sword dances that are performed only by those born to families from their respective town or villages. These are dances that are embodied in a specific place. Korčula island 1 is unique for its continuity of sword dances since at least the seventeenth century in both the walled city of Korčula and in the oldest five villages on the island. Except for a small neighbouring island, Lastovo, and with a smaller population, no other island or territory in Croatia has a known long-term continuity of dancing with swords. Map of Croatia, showing Adriatic Sea and Korčula island Traditionally Moreška is performed by men from artisan families in the town of Korčula. See Figure 2 showing Moreška with two-swords. Moreška with two swords Photograph by E. Dunin, 2007 The Kumpanjija with a single sword is performed by men who were predominantly wine and olive oil producers; the village identity is related to a strong sense of patrilineal relationships, and the men do not learn the sword dances of neighbouring villages, nor the mock battle dance from Korčula town. There is a strong sense of one's identity to place, which is recognised by the sword dances that are performed in one's own place. My research with diaspora communities in North and South America uncovered the performance of Moreška in Chile and in California United States by late nineteenth and turn-of-the-century emigrants from Korčula town. In Australia the Kumpanjija sword dance was performed by emigrants from two of Korčula's villages Blato and Čara in the mid- and later twentieth century. Of the diaspora sites with sword dances, there remains only one continuity the Kumpanjija from Blato by second and third generation descendants who perform their sword dance up to the present time. What are the factors that bring about discontinuity or continuity in the diaspora context, while the same sword dances have century-long continuities in the source places in Korčula's town or villages? With six diaspora examples in different parts of the world, is there a pattern of factors? That is, they are meant to be performed on special dates, to a local audience that watches and evaluates how well the men execute the coordinated movements as a group see Figure 3 for Kumpanjija group in Čara and Figure 4 for Kumpanjija group in Blato. Kumpanjija dancers with a single sword in Čara village Photograph by E. Dunin, 2012 Figure 4. Kumpanjija dancers in Blato village with a single sword. Dunin, 2011 32 48 The transmission of the movement knowledge is by highly experienced dancers who have had leadership roles as one of the kings in the Moreška , or as a captain or other hierarchal military role in the Kumpanjija. The movements are practised over several weeks usually a two-month period of two to three meetings per week. The body movements and footwork are expected to be uniform with each other, and the sword clashes in Moreška are learned precisely, so as not to cause injury. The newly trained youth about age 16 who is accepted into the Moreška or Kumpanjija group is highly esteemed by the local families for his participation. Diaspora Historically, in an almost 400-year period 3 the island was under Venetian rule, but the island population retained its autonomy and Croatian language. Due to frequent piracy attacks until the eighteenth century, Korčula town as a seacoast port servicing Venetian merchant and war ships was necessarily fortified. The villages in the centre of the island were out of seaside view, but maintained high elevation lookouts to the sea. After the fall of Venice to Napoleon's French forces, there was another period of short-term non- Croatian rulers , the first Austrian Habsburg rule for eight years; Napoleon's France; short period of under two years of the English, and then the rest of the nineteenth century until the end of World War One under Austrian administration. The multi-waves of emigration began during the Austrian period of the late nineteenth century and resumed after the First World War and a short period of Italian occupation. But then major waves of emigration of Croatians in general as post-world-war-ii displaced persons, followed by internal political pressures of the 1950s, followed by economic pressures during the 1960s. Although not discussed here, we see multiple emigration purposes. The study focuses on the populations from an island town and villages that remain culturally endogamous, against a background of changing national identities and changing rationales for emigration. The performers had to have been all from Korčula town, since no one performed the dance from any other place on Korčula. Depolo, who played the role of the Black King was from a family of Moreška performers. However, by 1986, two generations later, when I interviewed Depolo family members in Punta Arenas, no one knew about a Moreška performed by their grandparents or ancestors. In addition, I noted in the 1980s that non-korčula women were intermarried with the immigrant descendants. There was no living memory of the dancing or of the importance of the dancing to the Depolo ancestry, except for a newspaper clipping 3 January, 1901. Twenty years later, 2006, a glass photographic negative was uncovered in an old house in the town of Korčula, showing a Moreška group with a logo of the Sociedad Austriaca de S. In California, 1903, a Moreška was performed in San Francisco, and led by G. In the neighbouring city of Oakland in California, another group performed Moreška in Based on surnames, most of the Oakland performers were from the town of Korčula. Very little is known about the San Francisco performances except for a posed photograph taken in 1903. The 1914 Moreška was made up of a group of men who were members of the gymnastic Sokol Society and led by A. Men having a Korčula town-based Depolo surname led the three Moreška groups, but these men were not directly related to each other. Both the Chilean and California performances occurred during the Austrian period when the immigrants in Chile were referred to as Austriacos, and in California as Austrians and Slavonians an Italian Venetian term for Croatian language speakers from the Adriatic coast. Although a Croatian-speaking population, the passports were issued from Austria-Hungary. A major purpose of many late-nineteenth century immigrants to California was to earn money that is, to find gold and to return to place. However, many more began families with women who were not from their place of emigration. Both the California groups and the group in Chile discontinued their Moreška performances. Non-Korčula young males were not encouraged or sought after to learn the sword movements. In addition: The Korčula Moreška families in the Americas were no longer connected by occupation such as carpentry and blacksmithing for shipbuilding , by religious brotherhoods, or by intermarriage. Therefore they were not economically or socially inter-related as they were in their town. Australia In Australia, the Kumpanjija referring to the single-sword dance arrives with a later emigration wave from Korčula. The Kumpanjija from Blato maintained the most active and longest continuity in Australia, while the Kumpanjija sword dance of Čara village was performed only in Sydney. The Čara men had arrived in a wave of immigration in the 1960s. In contrast to the three Moreška groups in the Americas from the town of Korčula at the turn of the century, the Blato Kumpanjija comes to Australia with later waves of immigration to different parts of Australia. See Figure 5 of group in Perth. Kumpanjija dancers in Perth, Australia, 1946 Photograph scanned from Šeparović, 1982, page 189 Based on ages in the 1930s and 1940s, the performers in these three sites would have been born prior to World War I, during the Austro-Hungarian period, would have lived through the post-war Italian occupation, and then departed for Australia in the 1930s during the Yugoslav Serbian monarchy period. Most of them would have embodied kumpanjija movements as young men in the place of Blato before emigration. In the 1930s, a kapitan was responsible for the first Blato Kumpanjija in Sydney. His group toured major sites in Australia where there were other emigrants from Blato in Broken Hill and Perth, so that he began a legacy of Kumpanjija in more than one city in Australia. The intention was not only to have a social site for the firstgeneration immigrants, but also a physical common site for the next generations of descendants. With the introduction of faster air travel between Croatia and Australia instead of a month-long voyage by ship , many from Australia began to travel frequently to visit family in Blato, to attend special anniversary events, and while in Blato, to observe the organised Viteško Udruženje V. The current president of the Dalmacija-Sydney Club was born in Blato, but came to Australia as a child, and learned to perform the Kumpanjija in Sydney. He organised the Kumpanjija with a second generation of youth from Blato families. By 2004 we see the founding of the Blato Emigrant Diaspora Association with about 200 emigrants visiting Blato; then in 2005, in both Blato and Sydney, the fortieth anniversary of the Sydney-based Club is celebrated, along with commemorating the eightieth anniversary of a mass emigration of 1,100 persons from Blato that occurred in Then in 2006, the following year, the Kumpanjija group from the Dalmacija-Sydney Club traveled to Blato to perform in the home place of their parents and grandparents. In 2012, the Blato Kumpanjija continues to be performed in Sydney at the Dalmacija Club. In this time period, the Moreška of Korčula town, and the Kumpanjija in Korčula's villages continues to be performed sporadically but frequently enough to have included young men, who are part of the emigration to the Americas or to Australia. But, the Kumpanjija of the Blato place was continued in its diaspora in Australia. What are the factors, which most influenced the continuity of this dance on another continent? First of all, the population of Blato is the largest on the island. In 1925, the estimated population was 8,000. The 2011 census shows 3,600 in Blato, which is about a quarter of the island's population at 16,000. There was enough of a mass of emigrant families from one place into Australia, during the 1930s, 1950s, followed by the 1960s. Another factor toward continuity was late twentieth century communication links, by telephone, internet, websites, capability of frequent travel for visitations both directions in contrast to earlier travel and slow postal mail by ships to Americas or to Australia. And there is direct observation of the continued Kumpanjija group in Blato during visitations as well as films and videocassette recordings since the 1970s , and now with DVD and YouTube. The endogamous patrilineal family continues its pattern of exclusivity of the sword dance groups on the island. The second and third generation descendants do not have that original emigrant experience, but the sense of a common birthplace of their parents and grandparents is continued through an institutionalised place Dalmacija-Sydney Club , along with the expected teaching role of the Kumpanjija. From the large enough pool of Blato families who live in Sydney, who socialise and congregate at the Club, there are new Kumpanjija dancers and kapitan leaders, who will likely continue the Kumpanjija in Australia, but with the advantage of having continuing communication with extended family in Blato as well as observing and experiencing the continuing Kumpanjija in the place of Blato. The island is the sixth largest of about one thousand along the Croatian Adriatic coast. From east to west it stretches 47 kilometres in length, while its north to south width is about 8 kilometres at its widest. The island's highest peaks range between 568 metres 1864 feet and 510 metres 1670 feet above sea level. In the centre, due to a mild climate, the island's fertile fields and terraced hillsides are devoted to grape and olive production. A shortened example of Blato's Kumpanjija was shown on YouTube accessed 2012 July 19. Early fifteenth to late eighteenth century. See Dunin article in Godišnjak 2002 and online posting 2002 with CCDR Notes from the Field. From Blato and neighboring Vela Luka in 1904, 1911, and 1925, about 3500 emigrants left for Brazil, Argentina, and some to the United States, Canada and other countries. This group was led by Kumpanjija Kapitan Šeparović Krtolić Ivan, who led as a captain in Blato with a number of men, who had also emigrated to Sydney during the 1930s. They performed in Australian towns where there were other Blato emigrants, in Broken Hill, Perth, and possibly elsewhere sites undocumented in Bačić Grlica 1982. Exact year or dating not cited by Bačić Grlica The 1940s performing was to raise money for the Red Cross during World War II. A posed photograph of the Broken Hill Kumpanjija group is dated in the 1960s, in an article by Bačić Grlica 1982, page A comprehensive book about Croatians in Australia by Mato Tkalčević 1992 lists institutionalised groups as well as dance groups, but there is no mention of the Kumpanjija from Korčula. Described by Dinko Oreb, the fortieth year anniversary of the Dalmacija-Sydney Club is seen online, 2012 June 9. Sample of the Kumpanjija performance in Sydney, is uploaded to YouTube by Adam A. Online: 2012 July 18. References cited Andrich, David resource person Interviews by electronic mail communication from Perth, Australia with Elsie Dunin, July and August. Electronic mail communications in personal possession of Dunin. Zvonimir Šeparović editor , Od Sydneya do San Francisca: Čakovec: Zrinski. Batistich, John Frank resource person Interview by Elsie Dunin in Watsonville, California. Interviews continued in 1975 and 1982; notes of interviews in personal possession of Dunin. Bosnich, Veljo resource person Personal communication with Elsie Dunin at the Dalmacija-Sydney Club, August 26. Notes in personal possession of Dunin. HRV: Croatian Bureau of Statistics. Online: 2012 December 22. Drugu izdanje: Zagreb: Vlastita naklada. Godišnjak pomorskog muzeja u Kotoru 24: Kotor: Pomorski Muzej. Laus, Milenko resource person Personal communication with Elsie Dunin, Čara village, June 30. Notes in personal possession of Elsie Dunin. Lipovac, Mladen resource person Personal communication with Elsie Dunin April 27 in Blato village. Notes in personal possession of Elsie Dunin. Općina Blato, službeno stranice Blato. Od Sydneya do San Francisca: Čakovec, Croatia: Zrinski. Zagreb: Nakladni Zavod Matice Hrvatske. The case of flamenco dance in Japan, with its initial significance of gender critique, shows how it transforms rigidly when taken from women practitioners' local studio and stage to a national media level controlled by men. The television show Gouwan Coaching concerns competitions between coaches and their unskilled apprentices. One show features flamenco dance with two male instructors with two television hostesses. The producers' opting for these participants suggest a reconfirmation of Japanese norms concerning age, gender, and national identity; denying herewith the bodily discourse flamenco had for Japanese women practitioners. Moreover, with its emphasis on sight and spectacle, the broadcast revokes the cliché of the Japanese master imitator and rejects women's sounding creativity and contestation. Keywords: Japan; flamenco; glocalisation; broadcasting; gender; virtues Introduction Flamenco's emerging popularity in Japan in the 1980s coincided with major societal changes, which took hold on women's lives especially. The majority of flamenco dance apprentices I met during my field research in Tokyo in , who were then in their forties and beyond, had clearly belonged to this cohort of Japanese women Ede 2013a, 2013b. Flamenco, which they encountered during their stay in the US or Europe, as well as on their return to Tokyo, seemed to serve their dreams well. However, the stage on which to present their new sense of Self to a wider audience was not for all to conquer. Most Japanese flamenco apprentices were only to express their passion within the confines of the studio, except for the yearly happiokai studio presentations at one of Tokyo's bigger theatre halls or smaller tablaős. Her dependence on public opinion, in corridor chats and media, as a professional and studio owner, resonates the dilemma women returning from abroad have been confronted with when repositioning themselves between corporate and family life, between self-expression and social expectation, as Nancy Rosenberger eloquently describes in her Gambling with virtue. Flamenco dance in Japan is a woman's business. The very few male dancers, not opting for the more masculine flamenco guitar, cajón, or song, have been devoted enough to become dance professionals and studio owners, but they have remained a tiny minority against a 99% of female colleagues and women amateurs in studios and on local festival and competition stages. In the process of glocalisation, from a 'local' Spanish phenomenon into a global genre, flamenco's re-localisation, in particular Tokyo, has been in the hands, and feet, of its female adepts. However, as the sensitivity to public opinion of both Japanese apprentices and their head instructors, and the dilemmas cosmopolitan women encounter when back in Japanese society already suggest, once flamenco is brought out of its own scene into society at large, gender politics come into play again to the detriment of women. The case presented here exemplifies how flamenco, domesticated by women, becomes stripped of its significance as contesting out-dated Japanese notions of femininity are presented on a 'local' national plane. From studio to screen In April 2006, TV Tokyo 1 launched a reality show series named GOUWAN 'strong arm' Coaching that would run until September Each fortnightly broadcast presented two or more instructors who were to introduce one or two apprentices each in their skill from scratch, within a period of ten days. Camera footages covered the struggles of both teams during those ten days, cut with interviews with the instructors and 'emo-talks' by the apprentices. In the television studio, a panel consisting of the programme's male and female host, and invited guests, commented on these flashbacks in a run-up to the apprentices' final presentation in front of a jury, a TV studio audience, and the spectators. The appointed winner was not to be the apprentice who plodded through sweat and tears to learn the skill in such a un-japanese short time, but as the programme's name indicates - the 'strong arm', the coach, who was 'to make possible what seemed impossible', as the broadcast advertised. The instructor of the best performing apprentice was to receive the prize of 1,000,000 some 8,000. According to the TV Tokyo website, the programme was not offered to satellite broadcasters, but did reach about 70% of Japan's households via six broadcasting companies. Five dance genres got an episode: tap dance, classical ballet, and Hawaiian hula had preceded Spanish flamenco half-way through the series, on November 13, 2006 , to be followed by street dance several weeks later. During my fieldwork in 2009, one of the instructors I befriended turned out to have been one of the two GOUWAN flamenco coaches. I knew right from the start I would lose. But it didn't matter. I got all the publicity I needed. Not willing to openly criticise the programme at risk of being accused of back-biting, he ignored my asking him how he knew this. As by chance I also had been acquainted with the other coach. He was an instructor at the 56 flamenco dance studio in Tokyo where I started my research. This coach never mentioned the programme. The producers had chosen two male instructors out of a pool of foremostly women to represent flamenco on national television; this was for a starter. Hiro and Mami Particularly the opting for Hiro as one of the gouwan is striking. Hiro is the partner in life and dance of Mami, Japan's most famous flamenco choreographer and head of one of the larger flamenco dance studios and dance companies in Tokyo. Mami started her studio in 1992, which Hiro, a former social worker, joined as an apprentice six years later. Although he soon became her major source of inspiration, with his fresh ideas to introduce flamenco at community centres, his love for cante, and his easy going attitude, it was common knowledge that even after their marriage Mami remained in charge. Mami with her mother retained a final say in public relations, administrative affairs, choreographies, intake of company dancers, programmes, tours, and careers. In the programme, Hiro was saliently promoted from his mere secondary position to 'the man. To all those in Japan's flamenco scene who know her, her now subservient role must have appeared outrageous. No doubt it had been of her doing that all related to her studio kept silent about this broadcast. The 1,000,000 award must have barely compensated for her swallowed pride in adjusting to what the producers presumably anticipated to be the average Japanese audience's expectation of a woman's position. Actually, Mami is rendered the role of mother in GOUWAN. In the reflective 'emotalks' of their assigned apprentice, she is almost excessively thanked for her support and care. The additional shot in which her semi-pro dance company is cheering the apprentice to self-confidence during her final rehearsal enhances the impression of one 'happy family'. From its feudal remnants in a still patriarchal society one may expect the iemoto generally to be male, making nihon buyo female masters rather exceptional and obviously not a role model for GOUWAN's producers to take into account. Individualism, however, is still considered un- Japanese. Even on TV, news and weather reports, talk shows and tele-sell programmes are never presented by a single host; always by two, preferably a man and woman. GOUWAN Coaching is likewise with an additional studio panel as the supporting 'family'. Benito came to Japan in 1993 with a Spanish troupe to join the company of Yoko Komatsubara, the Japanese grande dame of flamenco, for a tour. On the road he fell in love with a Japanese flamenco dancer, married her and decided to start a life and studio in Tokyo. By the time of the TV recording, he had divorced her, to remarry a Japanese woman who is not into flamenco at all. Despite his award-winning dancers and teaching assistants, Benito was to face the TV coaching contest alone. His solitary acting was set in a huge but cold and empty studio, in contrast to Hiro and Mami's happy dance family in their smaller studio bathed in warm light. To deepen the contrast between both competitors even more, the producers did not put up Hiro against a Japanese woman instructor, which would definitely prompt unwanted discussions on gender in Japanese society, but against a non-japanese, a foreigner, a westerner, a Spaniard at that. By this choice, it was as if not only to stress Japanese virtues, but also to declare Japanese supremacy over a person closer to the genre's origin. GOUWAN depicts Benito as very unfriendly and impatient character. The first shots of him show an angry face in close-up snapping at his apprentice, because she had not been practising enough. You know what to do. Moreover, his lack of consideration with his protégé's loaded work schedule makes one think of him as using her merely for his personal ambition to win. The fact that she shows difficulties with the rhythm and steps, because she has hardly time to practise, then comes down on him not being a good coach. In addition, Benito's facial and bodily expression in his introduction did not evoke the kind of admiration Hiro and Mami received at their performance. The take of his dancing, and his apprentice watching him, is filled with animated stars and bombs blowing up the distinction between flamenco dance expression and his supposed moodiness. The quest for personal expression Japanese women have been looking for is herewith tamed to suit civilised Japanese comportment. Flamenco is beautiful, when performed with a Japanese sense of control. Spanish origins and authenticity seem irrelevant in the spotlight of Japanese virtues. What have the chosen 'tools' to say? The apprentices The two women Hiro and Benito had to coach have both been well-known television hostesses. Neither had any kind of dance experience. The senior of the two was assigned to Hiro. She was 41 years old during the GOUWAN recording, and retired when she became a mother, but was according to a panel member still popular among housewives. The younger woman was Benito's apprentice. She was twenty-eight years of age and was at the prime of her career. The difference in age, social position, and availability to practice were thus intertwined. In the programme, the thirteen years difference in age between the two women is spelt out several times. Already after eleven minutes, one commenting panel member gives away that the loser will be beaten by age. For the average Japanese the message is 42 58 clear. The senior lady is going to win. Her years render her a right to respect, her past career is still recalled, and despite her motherhood and ageing body she will still be able to take on a dance so unfamiliar and physically demanding as flamenco. The panel and hosts continuously express their awe of her stamina and accomplishments. Her kindness and modesty are explained by her having a child, her admiring enthusiasm for her coaches' flamenco show, which served as their introduction, and her eagerness to not disappoint them. Her sighs at Benito's performance and his instructions that flamenco is hard make her appear to be a sissy with little perseverance. Her exclamation that she hates to lose make her sound like a spoiled brat. She does not seem to care for a family of her own. Her attitude is taken as exemplary for the young who wish to be modern, look too much to the West, and have become selfish, undignified and inconsiderate. She deserves to have Benito for her coach, and to lose with him. The final act Flamenco's appropriation in Japan came about with the significance it gained through women, and a successive change of style. As a bodily discourse of contesting outdated Japanese values of femininity, flamenco offered them a mode to challenge the norm of female modesty, invisibility and silence. Flamenco gave the promise of visibility through performance, but as a sound-based dance already in the studio it also rendered the opportunity to make themselves, and their desires, audible. Not surprisingly, in Gouwan Coaching the feet and sounding are given only brief attention. Even when coached by female professionals, given the short amount of time the apprentices had to get acquainted with flamenco's complex rhythms, the footwork would not receive full attention at the risk of the women coachs reputations as true flamenca being destroyed by dancing out of compás see Ede 2013a. The GOUWAN apprentices' final act before panel, judges, and audiences, had to be turned into a kind of spectacle, considering their un-japanese short training, the ocularcentrism of their audience in general, and of TV-cameras in particular. Flamenco dancing in Japan offers an example of such a hybridisation where the globalised genre has been used for several purposes, depending on whose identity has been at stake. Flamenco was first appropriated by Japanese women to serve their quest for an international, new sense of self and personal expression, contesting outdated Japanese notions of femininity, but once presented at a national broadcasting event it was to re confirm those contested virtues of womanhood, family, and solidarity. Furthermore, as Benito's depiction in GOUWAN Coaching suggests, the appropriation of flamenco in Japan does not necessarily entail imitation in respect of local authenticity. Foreign origin is supposed to be purged by the Japanese tradition of cultural indigenisation. If the producers' cultural perceptions, and their anticipation of the TV audience's cultural perceptions, would not have been indifferent to origin, Benito the Spanish dancer would have been presented as a master, an iemoto, in his own right. Consequently, the typical Japanese style that had emerged through women apprentices' personal desires for self-expression vanished in the process from studio to screen. Their emphasis on flamenco's sound-based quality through stomping is in GOUWAN replaced by visuality, of dress and movement. For sure this style of flamenco dancing as shown on this national plane would hardly be able to compete on an international, or Spanish local, stage. Although TOKYO TV did not seem to aim at a transnational audience, no doubt it nevertheless can be received all over Asia. It remains to be seen which values and meanings will be transmitted to other Asian localities, in light of Japanese flamenco dance instructors' increasing regional networks through tours and workshops. It will depend on local gender politics and national projects on self-presentation whether it will be 'Japamenco' in the hands and feet of women to be appropriated by Koreans, Taiwanese, or Chinese, or its visualised, spectacular form. Thanks to the support of a diverse audience of adults and children alike, TV TOKYO has continued to broadcast several long-running programmes that are both informative and interactive. The codes on the homepage of GOUWAN Coaching refer to: TV Tokyo Cooperation TX , Television Osaka TVO , Aichi Television Broadcasting Co. TVA , TV Setouchi Broadcasting Co. TSC , Television Hokkaido Broadcasting Co. TVh , and TVQ Kyusyu Broadcasting Co. The satellite stations B. Japan Cooperation and Nikkei CNBC Japan, Inc. Proceedings of the 26th ICTM Study Group in Ethnochoreology symposium 2010, Třešť, Czech Republic: Prague, Czech Republic: The Institute of Ethnology of the Academy of Science and the Academy of Performing Arts forthcoming. Hahn, Tomie Sensuous knowledge: embodying culture through Japanese dance. Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press. Iwabuchi, Koichi Recentering globalization. Popular culture and Japanese transnationalism. Durham; London: Duke University Press. Kelsky, Karen Women on the verge. Japanese women, Western dreams. Durham; London: Duke University Press. Mitchell, Timothy Passionate culture: emotion, religion, and society in southern Spain. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press Flamenco deep song. New Haven: Yale University. Miyanaga, Kumiko The creative edge: emerging individualisme in Japan. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. Nakane, Chie Japanese Society. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rosenberger, Nancy Gambling with virtue: Japanese women and the search for self in a changing nation. Tobin editor , Re-Made in Japan:1 41. New Haven; London: Yale University Press. Passion, politics and popular culture. There I saw young dancers joyfully introducing new variations within the fixed pattern of Israeli-Yemenite dances one would usually see in various other contexts personal life cycle events such as wedding parties; shows of the Yemenite Ethnic Dance Groups; Israeli Folk Dance, and so on. See below and Gibert 2004, 2007a, 2007b and 2011. However, their formalisation and institutionalisation really happened in the mid 1940s 1 when dance and music were thought to be perfect tools in the construction of a new Israeli culture during the pre-state period the Declaration of Independence occurred in May, 1948; see Ingber 1974, 2011; Kadman 1969; Gibert 2004. In order to fit in as much as was possible, they had to enter this new cultural model and discard their previous cultural practices. However, in the 1970s, a political and societal turning point took place in Israel. Claims from Jews of Asian and African origins started to be heard: they wanted to bridge the socio-economical gap still existing between themselves and the Jews from European backgrounds, a promise which had been made to them when they had first arrived. In addition, facing a strong lack of cultural legitimacy, they also claimed for recognition of their diasporic cultural heritage as part of the Israeli national culture. As other changes were also occurring in Israel divergence of opinion about occupied territories; increasing religiosity; arrival of the right wing in the government; and so on , the 1970s inaugurated a failure of the national Israeli identity as a monolithic construction, leading to the redefinition of this identity which would valorise the cultural specificities of every Jewish community composing Israel. The new Israeli identity is now seen as multifaceted, rich because of its heterogeneity. This process of recognition 47 63 27th SYMPOSIUM OF THE ICTM STUDY GROUP ON ETHNOCHOREOLOGY: LIMERICK IRELAND 2012 also took place through the entrance of musical and dance diasporic repertoires into a more public sphere through: 1. It is in this context that places such as MT opened. A local-spatial place: Mecholot Teyman Mecholot Teyman MT usually opens once a week, on motze shabat that is, on Saturday night , from 11:00 p. The music is mainly live music in particular one main singer, Zion Golan. Up to 300 people can be present, mostly Israelis of Yemenite origin born in Israel of parents mainly born here. One can roughly observe as many men as women. The personal choice of a dancer can, therefore, take place at three different levels: on the first level, each group of dancers can choose which dance they will dance, since some of the rhythms are matching several dance types; on the second level, each group of dancers can choose their spatial configurations circle, lines, and so on for two of the dance types athari and ragil ; and on the third level, in most dance types, some 'flexibility' is possible within the fixed form. Such variations, therefore, occur at specific moments or 'turning-points' in the fixed succession of kinemes which compose each dance type see Figure 1. The da'assa dance type. Playing to negotiate My hypothesis is that these numerous possibilities for play within fixed patterns permit to combine, and even to negotiate, various issues at once. Dances performed at MT can be seen as a way for the third generation of Yemenite- Israelis to come to terms with either the re-creation or the preservation of a mythic authenticity, like in other dance contexts where some Yemenite dance is used. Indeed, amongst the four existing types of dance, two only ragil and daassa are usually known by every Israeli of Yemenite origin all over Israel, because they are regularly danced during weddings or henna parties. Therefore, this form of re-elaboration of Yemenite repertoires, which first of all concerns what is performed in MT but somehow slowly trickles down to parties for life cycle events, clearly differentiates itself from the other dance forms mentioned earlier which also use Yemenite repertoires. Intergenerational relations So, if we go further in this analysis, what seems to be at stake in the dance performed and created at MT? On the one hand, the fixed dimension of these four dance types sets up the frame of a clear pan-yemenite specificity, thus somehow linking the dancers with their parents and grand-parents practices, and to some kind of general 'Yemenite cultural heritage'. But on the other hand, the vast possibilities of variation and innovation permit the dancers to precisely differentiate and distance themselves from the previous generations. This sentence is also echoing the already mentioned recurrent vocabulary on 'development', 'progress', characterising the way dances are performed in MT. This relation with previous generations is also constructed through a differentiation between age groups which appears in field observations. Although I was quite often told that one of the particularities of this night club was that it was for every age group, what I observed was a strong predominance of youngsters less than 25. However this differentiation is not a denial of the previous way to perform such dance practices, far from it. Therefore, to dance and to participate in the 'development' of such a form of dance seems to offer them a way to enact their cultural heritage and be proud of it, but at the same time without having to refer to the past in an artificial way, as the work of the 'Yemenite Ethnic Dance Groups' is sometimes perceived. This could be resumed by a formula: 'To create is to preserve'. One could, therefore, draw a sketchy parallel between generations and dance practices: - the first generation corresponds to immigrants who came to Israel bringing with them a centuries-long feeling of 'nostalgia for Jerusalem'; this, combined with their will to 'integrate' following the injunctions of the Israeli new state's politics contributed to them having to play down the Yemenite card to join instead the unique Israeli identity in construction thus to dance IFD rather than there own dance repertoires; - the second generation came to adulthood in the 1970s, feeling the inequalities and the failure of the Zionist model. Many of them fought for the recognition of their Yemenite cultural specificities by contributing to the entrance of Yemenite music and dance into a public and commercial sphere, hence the creation of MT. In parallel, they also played a part in the elaboration of a nostalgia for an 'imagined Yemen' through the creation of the Ethnic Dance Groups in the 1970s; - the third generation had less interest in fighting for official recognition. Although everything is not perfect, the combination of being both Israeli and of Yemenite origin is today fully recognised. However, confronted with the death of their grandparents who were their link with Yemen, some of them started to go beyond this Yemenity de facto to delve into their grandparents' lives in Yemen and during the first decades in Israel. So this way of practising the dance is not based on the representation and claim of some sort of Yemenity to 'the Others', but on the will to live 'for themselves', and in a public space, the Yemenite dimension of their multiple identity. However, only some prior observations and an initial hypothesis have been made for the moment, and I am currently undergoing some more research. They describe the dance as a source of personal enjoyment. This leads us again to the question of dance expertise. There are very few dancing in twos; and if so it is informal very often interrupted by other dancers joining in the circle and it can be two persons of the same sex who dance together. In addition, no particular dress code is supposed to mark the dancers' gender. All of these clearly consist of a blurring of the gendered differences that existed in Yemen. However, if a man and a woman are dancing in a couple configuration, the man is more likely to take the lead such as turns. Dance experts my terminology are more often male. Therefore, one can wonder if although the gendered differentiation of repertoires is not mandatory anymore, some implicit one remains or is back. Love affairs from simple flirt to matrimonial search One of the other subjects brought up immediately when I mention MT is the frequent love stories connected to this place. As already mentioned in the paragraph about age groups and generations, the older customers are nicknamed by some of the younger participants. And indeed, when asked about it, some of the men told me that in some other places they would take out the kippa that they wear in their everyday life because they don't feel comfortable among the seculars. This could also be related to another part of the self-representation of Yemenite- Israelis, the religious attachment, considered by several as an important part of their 'Yemenite identity', and which has also been encouraged if not sometimes reconstructed by the non-yemenite Israeli gaze. However, proper enquiries have not been made in this direction yet. Conclusion This analysis of the dance practices in MT, as well as actors' discourses and actions, brings to light a situation in which various layers, sometimes complementary, sometimes contradictory, seem to be combined. The articulation between fixed forms and free variations within set patterns both allows and stems from a double process of differentiation and re-incorporation of dimensions, which could otherwise be seen as opposed or at least hard to conciliate The dance types practised today in MT are based on a common cultural framework of set patterns, which have been brought from Yemen by previous generations and then used and transformed in various ways during the last 60 years in Israel. However, this active process of shaping and reshaping it throughout the evenings offers young Israelis of Yemenite origin a place in which they can elaborate their own version of 'being an Israeli-Yemenite', but also permits them to 'focus' on other issues, more related to them as individuals, such as dance expertise, gender, age group, religiosity or matrimonial search. This does not mean that the generation of their parents who are mainly the ones who developed the Yemenite ethnic dance groups, did not dance more freely in various occasions, but it is precisely because of the socio-political situation in which their parents grew up that they needed to bring Yemenite dance practices into the public sphere by creating places such as MT, and developing such performing groups. Therefore, by fighting to regain this cultural legitimacy, this previous generation permitted the third generation today to come to terms with this process of claim, and 'simply be' Israeli- Yemenite. This case study also permits us to re-think the articulation between migration and youth culture. In this perspective, it would be interesting to continue this research asking in which ways the dynamics that we analysed in terms of differentiating themselves from 53 69 27th SYMPOSIUM OF THE ICTM STUDY GROUP ON ETHNOCHOREOLOGY: LIMERICK IRELAND 2012 previous generations and reworking the dominant culture norms are specific to the Israeli situation linked to a peculiar experience of migration, but also a general process of youth culture. This dance form stems from a specific revival movement that swept over Europe in the 1970s and 1980s. In both cases, such issues to be examined could be: gender relations; matrimonial search; youth-issues that is, differentiation with older generations and process of reworking cultural norms ; myths of authenticity and fights of voluntary crystallisation against change in internal repertoires; transmission; creation; and so on. In the case of the Israeli-Yemenites, specific issues could be: the particularity of migration between ideological return and real diaspora today this is not only related to Jewish migration Cohen 1997; Dufoix 2003 ; the paradox between unicity Israeli identity and specificity Israeli-Yemenite identity ; the never resolved question of what it means to be Jewish a religion? In brief, we could summarise this paper by this triple question: In which places can we play with the dance? The first Dalia Festival, held in 1944 is considered as the historical birth of the IFD. In 1948, Israel counted 650,000 Jewish inhabitants; in 1951, they were 1. Yemenite specificities can mainly be seen in terms of texts, rhythms, and a special organisation in suites of successive pieces. In 2004, 33,400 Israelis were born in Yemen and 110,300 were born in Israel from father born in Yemen. This total represent 2. However, the 'third generation' is blended within the 1. Three video extracts filmed by the author at Mecholot Teyman Tel Aviv in August, 2006, were shown during the presentation. Unfortunately, they cannot be made publicly accessible. However a somewhat similar dance type exists under the same name amongst Muslims in Yemen. See Lambert The etymology of Athari has not yet been found, none of my interlocutors in Israel being able to explain it. The only information I could receive yet not with certitude was that it was probably a man's dance brought by Jews from the Centre-South of Yemen. How a young boy of 14 or 15 years old wants to dance Yemenite dances, wants to be Yemenite. I really did the opposite. I didn't want to be Yemenite. I was in the yeshiva but didn't want to do the khet or the ghayn Hebrew letters. And it isn't only to dance. They talk with the 54 70 27th SYMPOSIUM OF THE ICTM STUDY GROUP ON ETHNOCHOREOLOGY: LIMERICK IRELAND 2012 khet and the ghayn, they hang around just with Yemenites They are not embarrassed of it. I was very shy about it. It means a lot of self-confidence. An abundant literature exists on this subject. Guilcher For brief video examples, see for instance or. On other European countries, see Bakka 2012; Nilsson 2012a, 2012b. Cohen, Robin Global Diasporas: an introduction. Dufoix, Stéphane Les diasporas. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Gibert, Marie-Pierre La danse des juifs yéménites en Israël: des systčmes formels aux constructions d'identité doctoral dissertation. Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales. An ethnographic study of Yemenite 'Ethnic' Dance Companies in Israel. Proceedings of the Third Congrčs du Réseau Asie. Bornes Varol editor , Chocs de langues et de cultures? Un discours de la méthode: Saint-Denis: Presses Universitaire de Vincennes. Guilcher, Yves La danse traditionnelle en France. D'une ancienne civilization paysanne ŕ un loisir revivaliste. New York: Marcel Dekker editor , Seeing Israeli and Jewish dance. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Jerusalem- Tel Aviv: Shoken Editions. Jewishness and Judaism in contemporary Israel. Albany: State University of New York Press. Lambert, Jean La médecine de l'âme. Le chant de Sana'a dans la société yéménite. Nanterre : Société d'ethnologie. Gremlicová editors , Dance, gender and meanings. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press. The reinterpretation allows a reembodiment process, occurs during the integration of a dominant culture with Gypsiness, and creates different peculiarities in its own style. Romani dance culture is produced as the synthesis of 1 cultural appropriation, 2 mimesis, and 3 improvisation. In this presentation, I discuss and analyse the dancing practice in Romani communities in the area of Turkish Thrace via these three characteristic techniques, and ask: does the new representation refer to a new dance practice or to an interpretation in Romani style of a previously known practice? They perform their arts making music, singing and dancing by reinterpreting their current social and cultural environment. For this reason, making music and dancing are one of the most considerable tools in self-characterization and self-definition. In the field of dance a new cultural production appears in the conjunction of the gadjo culture non-gypsy in Romani and Gypsies, allows to the act of re-embodiment and creates distinctive characters in its own style. Ironically, we are informed with the detailed analysis of Romani dances in the Balkans, such as čoček and manea, that generally deal with the Turkishness, but the works of Romani dancing mediums in Turkey are little if any. Although the Gypsy style 56 72 has been a common topic in the musical field since at least the very beginning of the nineteenth century, the details of Gypsy style dancing has not been explained in the past or current works. While Gypsy dancing was related to the çengi and köçek traditions in the Ottoman period, it has been identified with çiftetelli or it was melted in Thracian karş1lama dance for many decades in the Republic times. Habitually, Gypsy dancing has been memorialized by focusing on the belly and hip movements that are indecorous styles regards to the national point of view and its Muslim women paradigm. Recently, the Romani dance is cited as only a kind of an improvisational dance in the works for the Gypsy music of Turkey see Seeman 2002; Duygulu 2006. Contrastingly, up to local discourses of Romani communities in the Turkish Thrace, this dance has been practised at least, since the end of the nineteenth century, and has traditional movement lexicon that is non-improvisational in some cases. The first one refers to the dances of non-gypsies which are performed in the same style with the non-gypsies. In these practices, ascribing of identity cannot be observed; in other words there is no mention about the Gypsy style. The second one includes something more than the style by means of the full characterisation of Gypsiness. I roughly describe the second practice, Romani dance that is made up of the reinterpretation of gadjo dancing within Gypsy style and the representation as a cultural reproduction. From this point of view, I explain the behavioural process in the cultural reproduction of Gypsy dance with the help of three essential concepts: 1 cultural appropriation 2 mimesis 3 improvisation. The concept of cultural appropriation alludes to intercultural intimacy and to those behavioural forms that contribute to the reproduction of an original or known thing in a new guise, a cultural product's travel into a new form as Walter Benjamin puts it Kalshoven; Whitehouse 2010. Cultural appropriation are initially individual acts where an individual or individuals observes something new in another person and moves to reproduce this thing in a mimetic mode. It is only over time when different individual and collective acts come together that appropriation becomes hardened into a cultural structure. Here, mimesis is positioned as a creative practice and an activity that can be experienced through another person's behavioural form in addition to one's own. At the same time, mimesis means relating given contexts to new and different resources, learning new things and animating a new production. Therefore, it is possible to argue that mimesis is the most fundamental tool of the process of cultural appropriation. In this way, the configuration and contextualisation of Gypsy dancing practices can be explained through the mimesis, which is the tool of creativity, individuality and collectivity without recourse to notions of originality and authenticity. The structure of the dance that gets reshaped through mimesis in the 57 73 appropriation process gives rise to an accumulation whose improvisational repertory is rather large. The Gypsy cultural embodiment that solidifies through improvisation becomes an important attribute of Gypsy identity. As a final state, the improvisational movements become to be a part of tradition, as the cultural choreography of the Romani dance keep to be improvisational sequences. Consequently it is possible to say that the improvisational one is not the dance itself, it is the choreography of the dance. Here, I prefer to use Adrienne Keappler's structural movement analysis, which is useful to make clear the property of new interpretations, barrowings, transforming through determination of the smallest units in the whole structure. The third level, motifs, are culturally grammatical sequence of movement as the combination of morphokines that form a short entity in itself. The last level, choremes, are culturally grammatical choreographic units, made up of a constellation of motifs that occur simultenously and sequentially. The framework of this system works for analysis of the Romani dance of Turkish Thrace with some changes in the titles of sub-groups. Kineme examples Kinemes in Romani dance are divided to four main groups in the tripartite body parts upper, lower and middle. The upper body can be thought of as in two main parts: the head and arm kinemes. Actually, the head does not produce the distinctive movements in the repertory, and moves randomly. Only the facial expressions are changed by the narratives and slightly smiling is the usual expression if there is no narrative of the movement. Arm kinemes are in five titles: Rotation of the lower arm, extension and flexion of the wrist, palm facing, finger position, and arm positions. See Table 1 and Table 2. Upper body kinemes: Rotation of lower arm, extension and flexion of the wrist, palm facing, and finger positions 5 Arm Positions A 1 A 2 A 3 A 4! Upper Body Kimenes: Arm positions The lower body includes leg kinemes that are Basic steps, cross-legged standing position, leaps, touching on the tiptoe, and bending the knees. Lower body kinemes: basic steps, cross-legged standing position, leaps, touch on the tiptoe, bent knees And the last part, middle body can be divided to 2 sub groups as belly and hip kinemes. Middle body: Belly up-down, hips Morphokines As the combinations of kinemes, morphokines can be divided into 3 main categories up to the basic parts of body in the whole movement system of Romani dance. Morphokines of the arms and fingers: These are the upper body morphokines that can be categorized in two sub-groups with regard to the focusing on which part conveys the meaning. Morphokines of legs: These are lower part of the body morphokines that can be categorized in two sub-groups. The first one has only one morphokine which consists of the basic steps of the leg movements, and the second one includes all distinctive leg movements which are the significant and accented items of some motifs. Morphokine of the basic leg positions f. Based on the leg movements Examples: M1. A 5 right hand is stable during the movement, and A 6 is performed in the P 1 position, and P 2 position sequentially. While the arms in the left-a 6 and right A 7 positions, the fingers are performed by snapping kinemes, F 3 and F 4. Rhythmically, this morphokine usually begins on the accented beats. Rhythmically, this morphokine usually begins on the first two beat of 9 times in 1 measure. Time unit is eight note. Example of morphokine; M1. Rhythmically, this morphokine can be on the accented or upbeats. Firstly forward step L1. Each step is performed in a quarter note timing, and the last step is stable during the end of 9 th beats. Rhythmically, it is usually performed at the beginning of movement sequentially. In the motifs it is mostly begins on the 5th beat of 9 beats in a sequence that L3. Some of the motifs are culturally named and these names may have different meanings according to individual perceptions. Habitually, the motifs can consist of all morphokine groups. Except for individual performance styles, the motifs are the characteristic units of the Romani dance that make the dance Rom. Basic Motif: It is widely known by all members of the group, even those who have dancing ability or not. It is culturally learnt as the perception of movement in daily life celebrations, and not named culturally by Roma. It is combinations of the two morphokines and an arm kineme that are basic leg position morphokine, M3. Basic motif The most distinctive motifs in Romani dance are parmak şaklatma and göbek atma which indicate the basic movement units in Romani dance of Turkish Thrace. Commonly, it is a combination of the morphokines, M2. While the leg kineme L4t remains in the same position, morphokine of the belly, M2. The belly morphokine is repeated four times in one measure. In every 78 quarter note, the repetition starts again and the last repetition is extended to one and a half quarter tone. This motif can be performed in most of the other motifs. The indicator of the motif is the belly position, in the movement of up-and-down. Göbek Atma Somersaulting of the pelvis Parmak şaklatma Finger snapping with two hands : Basically it is a combination of two morphokines, M1. While the leg kineme L4t remains in the same position, morphokines are being performed simultaneously. In every quarter note, one of the repetitions occurs and the last repetition is extended to the one and a half quarter tone. This motif can be performed in most of the other motifs. Parmak şaklatma finger snapping Another motif is called sekmeli with leap and is also widely performed in the dancing practices of Roma. The movement starts with the M3. This motif can be added to any of the fifth beats of the other motifs once the fourth beat is suitable for continuing the leap motif. Sekmeli with leap Besides, the Romani dance repertory has some kind of motifs that have a kind of narrative meaning, and the meaning of the same motif can be altered by individuals. Çatla eat your heart out! All morphokines are performed simultaneously: The right or left arm with the fist position of the hand, placed on the belly starts on the first beat, and remains the same when the fourth beat comes in, then it is raised upward, and at the fifth beat it is put on the belly again. The indicator of the motif is the fist position of fingers. The Romani dancing tradition has hardly ever been choreographed in the field. The only one choreme is the basic motif that is seen in the cultural life of Romani communities in Turkish Thrace. Conclusion As seen in the examples of structural analysis, Romani dance is a distinctive genre which has current and past movement knowledge of the bodies. As a solo dance, it is feasibly possible to individual creativity, improvisation and rapid changes in repertory, while the main domains in the process of cultural appropriation and mimesis, karş1lama and other local forms are in couple or group linecircle dancing. Consequently, during the dancing, parts of the body upper, lower, and middle move up to the relationship between the compatible combinations of each parts 64 80 instead of dealing with how the other performers move. Here, dancing together is significant to maximise the occasional energy. Some characteristic units of the dance, such as parmak şaklatma, çatla, göbek atma are the main peculiarities of Romani dancing culture. The common type of parmak şaklatma is performed in the folk dances of many Mediterranean cultures and the Balkans. With both arms open to the sides and at head or chest level, it is performed by pressing the middle finger and the thumb against each other so that a tension builds, the middle finger is then released forcefully downward so that it hits the fourth finger the ring finger and the air compressed between the middle finger and the ring finger produces a clacking sound when released. However, in the Romani dance the finger snapping mechanism is slightly different as you see in the M1. See comparisons, Figures 6 and 7. Common style of finger snapping Figure 7. Romani style of finger snapping Additionally, one of the most distinctive morphokines, göbek atma is just identified with the Romani dancing in Turkey, although it is performed by gadjos. On the other hand, the basic motif is the rare example that barrowed directly from Drama karş1lamas1 by addition the hip kinemes to these basic leg positions. It might be the only evidence for the style of Gypsy that is not enough to refer to Romani dance as the Gypsy style dancing of gadjo. In this case, the cultural movements of any dance repertory has already been replaced and embedded in the several bodies. Re-placing which is used metaphorically in here, enable to the productive mediums for the analysis of the dance upon it is thought in terms of the transforming of the tacit knowledge and constitution of its peculiar composition. The participation in the symposium was supported by a project of Prof. My structural analysis on Romani dance with Kaeppler's method is work in progress now, and these are the examples of the preliminary study. Baumann editor , Music, language, and literature of the Roma and Sinti: Germany: VWB, Verlag fur Wissenschaft und Bildung. Practices and politics of imitation. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam. Seeman, Sonia You're Roman: music and identity in Turkish Roman communities doctoral dissertation. Los Angeles: University of California. Keywords: Transylvania Maramureş, Oaş ; gender; segregation; proxemics; improvisation The article is theoretically founded on the assertion that the concepts of space and place, though different in their philosophical content, are interdependent, influence each other and change in time under the pressure of subjective and objective factors. The case studies I discuss are framed in time and space opposing past and present, rural and urban, local and global facts and features. The first case is the village joc or dan dance. Strongly influenced by geographical location, historical time, and by socio-political and cultural coordinates, the analysis of the village joc is limited to the ethnographic zones of northern Transylvania: Maramureş village Breb, district Baia Mare, 1972, 2004 and Oaş village Certeze, district Satu Mare, 1993. In blatant opposition the second case study is carried out on the popular music and dance manele that presently dominates the entertainment scape in urban social settings such as Bucharest. Theoretically, space refers to the structural geometrical qualities of a physical environment. In reality, however, space is never an abstract ensemble of spatial coordinates and does not exist beyond humans, who fill it with life making it a place. The first case study intends to analyse the way a traditionally given space is transformed in a place where people interact on different levels social, artistic according to implicit rules that prescribe their behaviour and the placing of the dance in space. I raised questions during my fieldwork experiences in Maramureş and Oaş such as: What are these norms and rules? How do they function? And how are they transformed in time. After World War II the village joc changed its location getting an honoured place in the centre of the village. The real barn was replaced by a construction maintaining only the wooden skeleton of the barn thereby becoming a dedicated symbolic place for dancing and social gathering named la şopru. Women watching the dancing la şopru in Breb at Pentecoste, May Photograph by Helene Eriksen In Certeze the physical space for dancing is a large round platform covered by a roof supported by wooden poles with a central one marking the place for the musicians. Certeze at Easter, May, Photograph taken from a video recording by A. The musicians occupy the place at the bottom of the barn, opposite the entrance. The girls' placement in space, depending upon the partner's status, symbolises once more the men's dominating position over the girls. The onlookers are arranged around the dance place following a relative fixed pattern: the women build a compact group that is separated and opposed to the men's one. In front of the women gather the girls waiting to be invited to dance. Entering the dance place is solely the privilege of the young men together with the musicians who are placed at the centre. The onlookers are not permitted to enter. Girls waiting to be invited to dance. Certeze at Easter, May, Photograph by A. Giurchescu 69 85 For paying for the music, the young men symbolically own the dance place including the girls, and the way the dancers are placed in space symbolises once more the men's dominating position. Therefore, participating at the village dan is a challenging and stressful task for the girls. Only the chosen ones may stay on the platform together with the young men during intermissions. From the insiders' dancers' perspective, the dance event functions as a private property, culturally owned by the young men for their own use. This use of space conveys a strong feeling of intimacy and enhances the awareness of belonging to a certain cultural tradition and to a social group Figure 4. The chosen girls enjoy interacting without constraints with their boy friends during an intermission. Certeze at Easter, May Photograph taken from a video recording A. Giurchescu In 1993 I was convinced that the village dan institution of Certeze was so well structured by traditionally set rules that it would last for a long time. After less than a decade, however, the dan of Certeze has become dysfunctional and has died out for being too rigid and not permitting changes. Since 1990 the soundscape of big cities such as Bucharest is dominated by manele, once the music of a marginal social group, the Roma, presently adopted by non-romany as well. It started in the early 1970s as a symbolic opposition to the exclusion of the Romany communities, settled in the outskirts of the cities mahalale from Romanian society. The Oriental-Balkan contaminated melodies and dance movements, and the sexualised and aggressive behaviour were strongly opposed by intellectuals of rather purist orientation who demonized them, turning them into a symbol of Romania's cultural decadence. The power of manele arises from the dominant role they play in public and private events such as weddings, baptisms, funerals, anniversaries, and parties organised in restaurants and clubs, and from the high visibility on private media. Manele at a Romani wedding. People begin to drink and dance individually or in couples next to their tables and on the dance floor. After a few hours they become euphoric and start dancing on the tables, throwing tips at the musicians. During the dedications the melody is suspended while the dance continues to the rhythmic accompaniment. Observing people dancing to manele music, it is difficult to distinguish an overall model that could be conceptualised as a manea dance. Everybody dances how he feels. Each instance of a danced manea is a spontaneous, individualised and unrepeatable creation. The fundamental motivation for dancing manele lies in the pleasure produced by the sensual movements that is further communicated to the onlookers, who decode it in terms of sexual attraction. Dancing pe manele at a Romany wedding. Bucharest, Photograph: Gheorghe Popescu For young women dancing pe manele is not only fun, but a way to realise their femininity. In the song texts and on the public scene, however, manele explicitly express men's domination over the women's sexuality. When the communicational circuit functions, the reaction of the public is both emotional and physical. People accompany the musical rhythm with clapping, shaking shoulders, waving uplifted arms, yelling and shouting. In pe manele dancing partners do not dance with each other, but for each other. Their choreographic dialogue is expressed through dance movements, gestures, body posture and mimicry. The love discourse is interrupted by arrhythmic movements, pauses, looks, words, laughter, and kisses, the non-dance elements being incorporated in the emotional substance of the dance. Codified gestures and actions substitute the verbal expression in group interactions, such as touching, dancing around or placing an honoured person in front of the musicians. Intoxicated by alcohol and the loud music the dancer internalises a sense of total liberty and enjoyment. There are no rules structuring this event: the dancing pe manele conquers the space and the dance is everywhere. It is presently 72 88 counterbalanced by chaotic, individualist, aggressive behaviour and by lack of civility. These facts are in essence the visible symbols of a society that is experiencing the stressful process of healing and becoming mature after half a century of oppression. The community's dance event is called joc in Maramureş while in Oaş it is called dan or joc. The fieldwork in Certeze, at Easter time, 1993, was carried out in collaboration with the anthropologist Corina Iosif. The fieldwork in the village Breb was carried out over a long period of time 1972 and 1973 with a team of scholars from the Institute of Ethnography and Folklore of Bucharest and in 2004 with the Sub- Study Group on Field Research Theory and Methods of the ICTM Study Group on Ethnochoreology offered valuable examples for processes of stability and change. For some couples dancing in the place of honour is implicitly a public announcement of their future marriage. YouTube video: Oaş dan of Certeze Part 9 2010 May 8. YouTube video: 2012 December 10. Vocalist: Florin Salam, performing in Athens. Çiftetelli Turkish Tsiphte teli, Greek name given to two strings that are put in the same groove of a violin and are tuned either to the same, or one octave apart. The vocalist has to repeat quickly, with a convincing voice, the text and the name of the person s to whom the money is virtually dedicated. YouTube video: 2012 April 6. Adrian de la Severin plays for Claudia Arena's 18th birthday References cited Augé, Marc Non-places: introduction to an anthropology of supermodernity. Translated by John Howe. Yearbook for traditional music 43:1 36. International Council for Traditional Music. Hall, Edward T The hidden dimension. Hornecker, Eva Space and place setting the stage for social interaction. Position paper for ECSCW05 workshop 'Settings for collaboration: the role of place', 19 September. Iosif, Corina Hora satului din Certeze. Cluj-Napoca: Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene. In addition to the music and dance from the plain area around Timişoara, this 'local' scene includes music and dance that is displaced from its origins in the separate rural Banat mountain ethnographic zone. Although both the mountains and the plain are considered to be in 'Banat', and the inhabitants of both identify themselves as 'bănăţene', I justify that this can be considered a 'displaced' tradition in terms of ethnography and history. I look at the inclusion Banat mountain dancing through the city event organisation and the dance knowledge held by participants in Timişoara. I propose that the visibility and the dancing knowledge provided by the influential dance teachers have secured the representation of Banat identity by using Banat mountain music and dance in in the city context. Keywords: Romania-Banat; displaced tradition; dance ensemble This paper examines performance and participatory dancing practices in the urban context of the city of Timişoara which supports a lively 'local' 1 music and dance scene. This examination focuses on the organisations, including the key people and the events, that promote participation in Banat mountain dancing Timişoara. In reality, there is not a clear boundary in ethnographic zones between the mountains and the plain, so the commonly used ethnographic sub-zones include an interference region in the low hilly areas, and each mountain valley is also considered a separate sub-zone see Figure 1. Map of ethnographic zones. The Hapsburg 'Banat of Temesvar' borders from 1739 to 1751 is the basis of the current usage of 'Banat', and the area now split between Romania, Serbia, and Hungary. This ethnographic separation contrasts a region with immigrations and many cultural influences versus an area of stable predominantly Romanian settlement, and is further reinforced by the contrast between the city of Timişoara and the rural mountain zone see Table 1. Here, I examine how the geographically 'displaced' music and dances from the adjacent ethnographic zone of the Banat mountains is used equally, if not in preference, to present the music of the local 'Banat' Romanian culture. Mountain Banat Rural Mountain Border zone Regional Village dance groups vs. Timişoara City Plain Planned immigration University city Ensembles: professional, students, municipal. Contrasting the 'city' in the plain and the 'rural' in the mountain ethnographic zone.

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What were the factors that brought about discontinuity in the North and South American contexts, while the same sword dances continue in their source town and villages and one continues in the Australian diaspora? According to the TV Tokyo website, the programme was not offered to satellite broadcasters, but did reach about 70% of Japan's households via six broadcasting companies. For example, K1rklar Semah or Mirçlama is known to be the most respected and religiously significant among all semahs as it is known to have been performed by the Prophet Mohammad himself at the cem ritual during the time that he visited the forty saints K1rklar cem ritual. They presented on two themes. Certeze at Easter, May, Photograph taken from a video recording by A. Bosnich, Veljo resource person Personal communication with Elsie Dunin at the Dalmacija-Sydney Club, August 26. This semah is always performed first in the cem rituals and should never be performed outside its spiritual context.

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