Pregled posta

Prvi, Drugi

Treba ovaj put odma riješit muslimane pa onda srbe jer su i šiptari sad u igri pa treba malo drugačije ovaj put... ako se slažeš... ja bi da pobijemo i turiste pa da ih podmetnemo slovencima jer će oni opet zapalit neku pumpnu stanicu i vikat da je u njih bio rat... a jugoslavena neka na miru, oni su hrvatsko cvijeće... ovaj put... eh, da... prvu stvar koju treba napraviti, prvog dana izjutra... dignut Krško u zrak ali tako da se razleti od Trsta do Pešte... pedere u logore, da... a cigane ćemo obuć u partizanske uniforme, iznajmit lažne nemce (ima firma koja ih drži) pa neka ih gone od kadinjače pa do srijemskog fronta... kad nas budu zvali da se opet nadjemo u nekoj njihovoj zračnoj bazi, treba im poslati tri kineza sa downovim sindromom pa nek se s njima dogovaraju ovaj put. eto.

pooka 02.03.2008. 04:21

Kužim turisti i pederi, jer to je jedno te isto, ti silni turoperatori, ali zakaj si ljut na ostale, to bu mi ostala večna tajna!
Kaj ti veliš na ovu tezu da u središtu hrvatskog univerzuma ne stoluje Horvat u svom klajbirgerskom šovenskom ekstremizmu, nego Jugoslaven, prerušen u građanina, koji se ovdje brže bolje raspada na crvenog (bivši boljševici) i crnog ( bivši fašisti) totalitarista, dakle suštu opreku onoga što bi demokratska građanska politika trebala biti?

Nemanja 02.03.2008. 06:03



U Hrvatskoj nemamo posla s antagonizmom Hrvata i Drugih - Srbi, Muslimani, turisti, pederi, abonenti, itd. ad infinitum - pri čemu bi Drugi, tipično nacistički, bio neprijatelj per definitionem, dakle fizička prepreka koju valja odstraniti, nego imamo nasuprot posla s konfliktom Jugoslavena i Drugih, pri čemu se kao arhetipski neprijatelj za Jugoslavene u Hrvatskoj javljaju sami Hrvati, kao glavni rušitelji Jugoslavije!
U današnjoj je Hrvatskoj Drugi - Hrvat!
Jednostavno zato jer današnjom Hrvatskom vladaju Jugoslaveni, Jugoslaveni skriveni iza lažne maske navodno neutralne građanske pozicije, građanske pozicije koja bi trebala biti pozicija Pravde, beskonačne vrijednosti Zakona.
Potiskujući vlastitu istinu i derogirajući svaku moguću građansko politiku - to je zapravo razlog zbog kojeg Hrvatska ne može biti pravnom državom! - Jugoslaveni zapravo uzurpiraju ukupan prostor te politike, forsirajući radom medijskog pogona ideološku fantazmu o sukobu crvenih i crnih kao temeljnom društvenom antagonizmu Hrvatske.
To je način na koji se vlada ovom zemljom: dok je crvenih, trebaju nam crni, i vice versa: važno je da osim ekstremnih pozicija u Hrvatskoj niti jedna druga politička pozicija nije moguća, kako su konačno demonstrirali ovogodišnji parlamentarni izbori.
Dopusti jedan mali test:
Recimo, zamisli da je Jugoslavija nekim čudom postala demokratska, građanska država. Tko bi 1990. u demokratskoj Jugoslaviji morao položiti račun za nedemokratske postupke u posljednjih 45 godina?
E, da, ali reci ti u Hrvatskoj danas: Udbaš!, a da te istom ne proglase ustašom!
Ta, zar nije i Banac sumnjiv kad inzistira da se oba totalitarizma osude kao totalitarizmi!
No, nedostaje pozicija s koje bi se takvo što moglo učiniti! Nedostaje upravo ta prisvojena, uzurpirana neutralna pozicija Zakona, ta famozna pozicija Građanstva!
Danas je u Hrvatskoj nemoguće kazati da je netko 1971. proganjao Gotovca samo zato jer je bio Hrvat, a da onaj koji to kaže istom ne bude osuđen kao hrvatski nacionalist!
Pozicija s koje stiže ta osuda, pozicija je kojoj je uvijek i svuda, i u Beogradu i u Zagrebu dakle, svaka hrvatska samosvijest eo ipso bila nacionalističkom!
Jer, Građani su danas oni koji su do jučer svaku pojavu građanstva po bijelim i ostalim crnim knjigama komunizma karakterizirali kao buržoasku reakciju, i u Zagrebu i u Beogradu: ovdje Gotovac, tamo Nikezić, isti je to rezon.
Građanin u Hrvatskoj, dragi moj, već cijelu jednu noviju povijest ne samo da ne postoji, nego ni ne može postojati, jer ga onemogućuju dva nacionalizma: devedesetih hrvatski, posljednjih 8 godina jugoslavenski.
Umjesto da promijene stvarnost, nakon 2000.-te ideolozi su promijenili jedino opis te stvarnosti: detuđmanizacija, a tako se zove da ideologija, nije ni imala za cilj restituciju načela zakonitosti, uspostavu pravne države i vladavine prava, sankcioniranje privatizacijskog kriminala etc.! Ne - detuđmanizacija je imala za cilj samo jedno: obračun s hrvatskim nacionalizmom s pozicija jugoslavenskog nacionalizma.
Kriminal pak ne samo da je ostao isti, nego je i umnožen: od lopova Tuđmanovog režima nitko nije kažnjen, naprosto stoga jer su kriminalci toga režima postigli nagodbu s državom, tj. s vladajućom nomenklaturom. Sredstva su preraspodijeljena, kratko kazano.
Na koncu, stav o tome da bi ostaci nekadašnje obavještajne zajednice bili preprekom uspostave pravne države - pa naravno da je tome tako: ta, tko zapravo sabotira procesuiranje krivaca za zločine devedesetih, bilo ratne bilo gospodarske? Tko je imao osoban interes zataškati slučajeve poput "slučaja Zec"? Tko ima osobnu korist od prešućivanja istine o financijskom inženjeringu, propasti hrvatskih banaka, privatizacijskoj pljački...?
Tko je sve to učinio? Hercegovci?
Ha, ha, ha...da, da, tako glasi službena verzija, oko koje je i ovih dana toliko svima stalo: da, Šušak je sve to učinio, i opljačkao Hrvatsku, i prodao Posavinu, i naredio ratne zločine, i...
Da, da, jest, jest, sve su to napravili Šušak i Tuđman, jedino je neshvatljivo zakaj su svu lovu koju su opljačkali uplatili na račune protagonista hrvatske državne politike od 2000-te naovamo!?
Čudno, nije li?
Detuđmanizacija Hrvatske nova je laž, laž kojom nas obmanjuje mađioničar pod izlikom dan nam prokazuje trik: dok nam ga pokazuje, ponovo nas vara! Detuđmanizacija Hrvatske trebala je podrazumjevati demokratizaciju zemlje: umjesto toga imamo zemlju u kojoj vlada tiha koalicija HDZ-a i SDP-a, koji, kao u Zagrebu, lišeni bilo kakve ideološke predrasude, lovu dijele dogovorno, mimo bilo kakve kontrole i upliva demokratske javnosti! Trebala je podrazumjevati uspostavu pravne države, a Ivo Josipović još je jedina osoba koja, i to ritualno, govori o ustavnoj noveli i nevolji s retroaktvinim zakonom kojim bi sankcionirali privatizacijsku pljačku stoljeća! Trebala je podrazumijevati reafirmaciju medijskih sloboda, a danas imamo medijski monopol spram kojega je vrijeme Franje Tuđmana carstvo slobode! Detuđmanizacja je trebala podrazumijevati uspostavu društva jednakih šansi, a danas ne samo da su profiteri nekažnjeni, nego se ponašaju baš kao da su, za razliku od neprivilegiranih milijuna hrvatskih građana, oni svoju šansu iskoristili, dočim mi, nepoduzetni i inkompetentni looseri, mi jednostavno nismo uhvatili korak u ovoj nesmiljenoj tržišnoj utakmici. Štoviše, ne staje se na onome što je učinjeno devedesetih: onima koji su kao menađeri stranačkog kapitala sve dobili besplatno devedesetih, daje se i danas još i više, a da se i opet ne polaže računa o porijeklu kapitala koji je u opticaju. U Hrvatskoj se jednostavno zataškavaju nečiji uspjesi kao i nečiji neuspjesi, podjednako sustavno, pomno i sveobuhvatno: ovdje čovjek, ako nije dio politički posredovane oligarhije, jednostavno nema nikakvih šansi, bez obzira na trud, zanje, sposobnosti, talenat, rad! Zataškavanje je, uostalom, osnovna misija ovdašnjeg medijskog pogona/monopola. O središnjim gospodarskim događajima, recimo, u Hrvatskoj nikada nećete ništa saznati, jer, pretpostavka je uspješnoga posla njegova tajnost: tko danas zna zašto je Fima dislocirala novac na Maltu, i kupuje li management Podravke vlastitim novcem tvrku kojom upravlja!? Zna, jasno da znaju predsjednik i premijer, ali, pokuša li to saznati građanin, kako će proći?
Dakle, detuđmanizacija nije provedena - ništa od onoga što je bilo loše u Tuđmanovom režimu nije promijenjeno, ni malverzacije, ni zloporabe, ni kriminal, ali ama baš ništa nije drukčije, osim jedne stvari: recite da ste Hrvat, i odmah ste Ustaša!
To je jedina velika i svjetla pobjeda ovog režima: za sve su krivi jebeni hrvatski nacionalisti, a nacionalist je svatko tko postavi pitanje: Kako to da bivši suradnici obavještajnih službi Jugoslavije tako dobro prosperiraju u današnjoj, posttuđmanovskoj Hrvatskoj?
Jedino, današnji to građanin pokorni i ne zna! Ne zna, jer današnje novine o tome ne pišu. Ne pišu, jer su vlasnici tih medija u talu: ta, nakon Tuđmana, sad je došao i na njih red da zariju glavu u kopanju. I, odjednom je gateova nestalo. Sada živimo u idealnom, savršenom društvu, u kojem ako kriminal i nije nestao, a ono barem za njega nikada ne ćemo saznati. A ako o tome ništa ne znamo, ništa nas ne može uznemiriti!
Mir građana, to je ono osnovno oko čega se valja pobrinuti. Pogotovo ako to znači: miran građanin!
U tome se u Hrvatskoj jedino i u potpunosti uspjelo: ovdje su ljudi mirni čak i kad im ukradu auto a sutra se izjutra u njemu novopečeni taksist doveze da okradenoga odveze na policiju!
Taj stupanj duševnoga mira, taj stupor, dokaz je neslavenskog porijekla Hrvata: ta nepomućena ataraksija, mir svinje na brodu za nevere, svojstvena je jedino drevnim narodima, bili oni iranskog ili nekog drugog porijekla.
Ali, to je something completely different....



....sve to skupa predstavlja tužaljku Mire Furlan za oni jednim desetljećem u kojem je, jedini put u svome životu, bila zvijezda! Ukinuli su joj pozornicu, kako ne razumijete dr.Jatogen! Oteli su joj raison d'etre: bila je zvijeda, a obnoć - to nije mogla ni izgovoriti - bila je konobarica. Samim time što je, zamislite, nekakva hrvatska bagra poželjela državu.
Uništili su joj Jugoslaviju!
To je hrvatski hybris. To, i ništa više. Kao i uvijek.

Nemanja

.... nationalism was on the rise and elements of fascism were appearing everywhere. We did not know, or did not want to know, that the next step would be war.
I performed in two different plays in Zagreb and Belgrade at the same time. In times of peace the commute was a three hour trip by car, and Goran and I were doing it a couple of times a week. But, the two cities were growing further apart every day. The war propaganda was in full gear. Hatred of unbelievable proportions installed itself inside the people. Or had it always been there? We could not understand it. We still thought it was all madness and could not imagine that stupidity would win on such a large scale. We were wrong. While the two cities in which we lived and worked were becoming the capitals of the new independent states, and while all communication between them, including telephone lines, was being shut down, I was still commuting and trying to reach my theatres by 7:30 p.m. The trip that used to be three hours long became an adventure of unpredictable length and result. Still, it seemed the only sane and honorable thing to do: to continue the communication, defy the notion that all the "others" were beasts and monsters, and to act for both audiences that knew and loved me. But people are opportunistic by nature and the new states were totalitarian in their essence and punished everyone who dared to doubt the Great National Cause. We saw our colleagues, actors and directors on both sides, taking up uniforms and guns, and reciting nationalistic poems for the soldiers of the new armies. I wrote a public statement in the Croatian and Serbian papers saying that I was refusing to take part in the hatred and that I believed in art as a bond between people. An avalanche of insults and attacks appeared in the Croatian media, followed by an attempt of the Serbian media to use "the case" as an example of Croatian fascism. I became a symbol, my identity was lost, as was the identity of millions of other people who ceased to be individual human beings, and became "Serbs", "Croats", or "Muslims" and therefore hated, expelled, or killed. I understood that I could not be an actor any more, not even an honorable human being, by staying there. The idea of leaving had been in our minds for a long time before the actual war began. While Goran was finishing his movie Dear Video, I stopped performing altogether and even stopped going out of my house. I felt sick with disgust all the time. We felt defeated and betrayed, and we still do. We finally left in November of 1991. Our destination was New York City, my favorite city in the world. We didn't know what was ahead of us. Who could have thought that a space station where aliens and humans are trying to achieve peace and balance would be my destiny? But then, isn't there some strange logic in it after all?

Iz autobiografije Mire Furlan



Mira Furlan

A Letter to my Co-Citizens

I hereby wish to thank my co-citizens who have joined so unreservedly in this small, marginal, and apparently not particularly significant campaign against me. Although marginal, it will change and mark my whole life. Which is, of course, totally irrelevant in the context of the death, destruction, devastation, and blood-chilling crimes within which our life now goes on.
This is happening, however, to the one and only life I have. It seems that I've been chosen for some reason to be the filthy rag everyone uses to wipe the mud off their shoes. I am far too desperate to embark on a series of public polemics in the papers. I do, however, feel that I owe myself and my city at least a few words. Like at the end of some clumsy, painful love story, when you keep wanting, wrongly, to explain something more, even though you know at the bottom of your heart that words are wasted; there is no one left to hear them. It is over.
Listening to my answering machine, to the incredible quantities of indescribably disgusting messages from my co-citizens, I longed to hear at least one message from a friend. Or not even a friend, a mere acquaintance, a colleague. But there was none. Not a single familiar voice, not a single friend. Nevertheless, I am grateful to them, to those noble patriots who kindly promise me a "massacre the Serbian way"; and to those colleagues, friends, and acquaintances who, by remaining silent, are letting me know that I cannot count on them any more.
I am grateful also to all my colleagues in the theatre with whom I played Drzic, Moliere, Turgenev, and Shaw, I am grateful to them for their silence, I am grateful to them for not even trying to understand, let alone attempting to vindicate, my statement concerning my appearance at the BITEF Festival in Belgrade, the statement in which I tried to explain that taking part in that production at that moment was for me a defense of our profession which must not and cannot put itself in the service of any political or national ideas, which must not and cannot be bound by political or national limits because it is simply against its nature, which must, even at the worst of times, establish bridges and ties. In its very essence it is a vocation which knows no boundaries.
I know that all this talk about the cosmopolitanism of art seems inappropriate at a moment like this. I know that it may seem out of place to swear to pacifism, to swear to love and to the brotherhood of all peoples while people are dying, while children are dying, while young men are returning home crippled and mangled forever.
How can I say anything which won't sound like an ill-fitted nonsense at the moment when, for absolutely unfathomable reasons, Dubrovnik is being threatened, the city where I played my favorite role, Gloria? But I have no other way of thinking. I cannot accept war as the only solution, I cannot force myself to hate, I cannot believe that weapons, killing, revenge, hatred, that such an accumulation of evil will ever solve anything. Each individual who personally accepts the war is in fact an accessory to the crime; must he not then take a part of the guilt for the war, a part of the responsibility?
In any case, I think, I know and I feel that it is my duty, the duty of our profession, to build bridges. To never give up on cooperation and community. Not the national community. The professional community. The human community. And even when things are at their very worst, as they are now, we must insist to our last breath on building and sustaining bonds between people. This is how we pledge to the future. And one day it will come. For my part, until recently I was willing to endure all manner of problems in transportation, communication, and finances to trek the 20 hours across Austria and Hungary between Zagreb and Belgrade. I was willing to use risky, even dangerous modes of travel, just to keep holding my performances in the two warring cities, to appear at precisely 7:30 on stage with my Zagreb or Belgrade colleagues and to alternate Corneille and Turgenev for the sake of professional continuity, for the sake of something that would outlive this war and this hatred which is so foreign to me. Time and time again I was willing to make my life a symbol of a pledge to the future which must be waiting for us, until that day when some ardent patriot finally does slaughter me as so many have promised to do.
I was willing and I would still be willing to undertake all and any efforts, if the hatred hadn't suddenly overwhelmed me with its horrendous ferocity, hatred welling from the city I was born in. I am appalled by the force and magnitude of that hatred, by its perfect unanimity, by the fact that there was absolutely nobody who could see my gesture as my defense of the integrity of the profession, as my attempt to defend at least one excellent theatre performance outside the BITEF Festival, as I stated in my letter. BITEF as an international theatre event attended by the English, Russians, French, Belgians, and even one Slovene seemed to me worth participating in, especially because any decision not to participate would have meant betraying a performance I had worked on under the most difficult circumstances during the March 9th Belgrade tanks, daily threats of a military coup, etc., etc.
It is terribly sad when one is forced to justification without having done anything wrong. There is nothing but despair, nausea, and horror. I no longer have any decisions to make. Others have decided for me. They have decided I must shut up, give up, vanish; they have abolished my right to do my job the way I feel it should be done, they have abolished my right to come home to my own city, they have abolished my right to return to my theatre and act in my performances. Someone decided that I should be fired from my job. Thank you, Croatian National Theatre; thank you, my colleague Dragan Milivojevic, who signed my dismissal slip. I know that lots of people are losing jobs, that I am just one of many, simply part of a surplus work force. I constantly ask myself whether I have any right, at this moment of communal horror, to make any demands of my own. One thing seems certain: I plan for quite some time (how long?) not to perform on any stage in this crumbling, mangled land. Perhaps they needn't have hurried so in firing me. Perhaps this would have simply taken care of itself. With more decency. And dignity. Not so crudely. Of course, this is not a moment for tenderness. But won't someone out there have to be ashamed of this? And will this someone necessarily be me, as my fellow actors try to convince me in their orthodox interviews? Can the horror of war be used as a justification for every single nasty bit of filth we commit against our fellow man? Are we allowed to remain silent in the face of injustice done to a friend or a colleague and justify our silence by the importance of the great bright national objective? I ask my friends in Zagreb, who are now silent, while at the same time they condemn Belgrade for its silence.
It is hard to write without bitterness. I would like to be able to do that, because we should "Love Our Enemy." I wish we all could. Herein perhaps lies the solution for all of us. But I fear that we are very far from the ways of the Lord. His is the way of love. Not hatred.
To whom am I addressing this letter? Who will read it? Who will even care to read it? Everyone is so caught up by the great cause that small personal fates are not important any more. How many friends do you have to betray to keep from committing the only socially acknowledged betrayal, the betrayal of the nation? How many petty treacheries, how many pathetic little dirty tricks must one do to remain "clean in the eyes of the nation?"
I am sorry, my system of values is different. For me there have always existed, and always will exist, only human beings, individual people, and those human beings (God, how few of them there are !) will always be excepted from generalizations of any kind, regardless of events, however catastrophic. I, unfortunately, shall never be able to "hate all Serbs," nor even understand what that really means. I shall always, perhaps until the moment the kind threats on the phone are finally carried out, hold my hand out to an anonymous person on the "other side," a person who is as desperate and lost as I am, who is as sad, bewildered, and frightened. There are such people in this city where I write my letter, the city my love took me to, a feeling it seems almost indecent to mention these days. Nothing can provide an excuse any more, everything that does not directly serve the great objective has been trampled upon and appears despicable, and with it what love, what marriage, what friendship, what theatre performances!
I reject, I refuse to accept such a crippling of myself and my own life. I played those last performances in Belgrade for those anguished people who were not "Serbs"; but human beings, human beings like me, human beings who recoil before this monstrous Grand Guignol farce in which dead heads are flying. It is to these people, both here and there, that I am addressing my words. Perhaps someone will hear me. The punishment meted me by my city, my only city and my theatre, my only theatre, the only theatre I felt was mine, is a punishment I feel I do not deserve. I was working in the way I have always felt I had to work, believing in people and our vocation which is supposed to bring people together, not tear them apart. I will never "give up my Belgrade friends"; as some of my colleagues have, because I do not feel that these friends have in any way brought about this catastrophe which has afflicted us, just as I will not turn my back on my Zagreb friends, not even those who have turned their backs on me. I will try in every way possible to understand their panic, their fear, their bitterness, even their hatred, but I plead for the same dose of understanding for me, that is, for a story which is different than many others, for a life which has deviated, due to the so-called destiny, from the expected and customary. Why must everything be the same, so frighteningly uniform, leveled, standardized? Haven't we had enough of that? I know this is the time of uniforms and they are all the same, but I am no soldier and cannot be one. I haven't got it in me to be a soldier, soldiering just isn't my calling.
Regardless of whether we will be living in one, or five, or fifty states, let us not forget the people, each individual, regardless of which side of this Wall of ours the person happens to be on. We were born here by accident, we are this or that by accident, so there must be more than that, mustn't there?
I am sending this letter into a void, into darkness, without an inkling of who will read it and how, or in how many different ways it will be misused or abused. Chances are it will serve as food for the eternally hungry propaganda beast. Perhaps someone with a pure heart will read it after all.
I will be grateful to that someone.

(Written in Belgrade, 11/1/91; published in Danas, Zagreb, 11/5/91 and Politika, Belgrade, 11/10/91)



Detuđmanizacija Hrvatske trebala je podrazumjevati demokratizaciju zemlje: umjesto toga imamo zemlju u kojoj vlada tiha koalicija HDZ-a i SDP-a, koji, kao u Zagrebu, lišeni bilo kakve ideološke predrasude, lovu dijele dogovorno, mimo bilo kakve kontrole i upliva demokratske javnosti!

VEČERNJI LIST

02. 03. 2008., 21:56

BLAGOSLOV Holding i splitsko Poglavarstvo osnivaju tvrtku

Bandić i Sanader dovode plin u Split

Autor Vojislav Mazzocco



Foto: Boris Ščitar

Dogovor je postignut, Sanader i Bandić zajedno pokreću velik posao

Najkasnije za mjesec dana Zagrebački holding i splitsko Gradsko poglavarstvo osnovat će zajedničku tvrtku za uvođenje plina u drugi grad po veličini u Hrvatskoj. To je rezultat višemjesečnih dogovora između predsjednika uprave Holdinga Slobodana Ljubičića i splitskog gradonačelnika Ivana Kureta. Zagreb i Split bit će vlasnici tvrtke u jednakim omjerima ili će Split imati jednu dionicu više.

Sve finalizirano

Potpuno je svejedno kakav će biti vlasnički odnos. Holding će dati svoje stručnjake i zajedno sa Splitom osigurat će povoljne kredite rekao je Slobodan Ljubičić, koji je prošlog utorka manje-više finalizirao pregovore s Kuretom. Zagrebačko izaslanstvo 19. ožujka otputovat će u Split, gdje bi trebali potpisati sporazum o suradnji.

No sve to ne bi bilo moguće bez blagoslova zagrebačkoga gradonačelnika Milana Bandića i premijera Ive Sanadera, koji će se ovakvom suradnjom najviše politički okoristiti. Kada za najviše dvije godine magistralni plinovod dođe do Splita, moći će se hvaliti da je napravio mnogo za taj grad, a logističku podršku dat će mu Holding, kojim, barem službeno, vladaju esdepeovci.

No Slobodan Ljubičić odbija takva tumačenja dogovora prebacujući sve na područje ekonomskog nacionalizma i zbližavanja dva najveća hrvatska grada, čiji stanovnici nemaju baš najbolje mišljenje jedni o drugima.

Nitko drugi u Hrvatskoj ne može odraditi taj posao osim Holdinga, samo mi imamo dovoljno stručnjaka. Ako Holding ne bi dobio posao uvođenja plina u Split, radili bi to Talijani ili Nijemci, a je vjerujem da strancima ne treba dopustiti da uđu u komunalne tvrtke rekao je Ljubičić.

Neće zaraditi

Zbog takvog stava, koji s njim navodno dijeli i Kuret, najvjerojatnije neće biti ni natječaja za razvitak plinske mreže u Splitu, nego će se taj posao jednostavno dodijeliti zajedničkoj tvrtki. Čak i ako natječaj bude raspisan, Holding je voljan ponuditi cijenu toliko nisku da joj nitko neće moći konkurirati.

Ljubičić tvrdi i da Zagrebački holding neće previše zaraditi na tom poslu iako se vrijednost radova, u samom početku, procjenjuje na otprilike 100 milijuna.




Post je objavljen 03.03.2008. u 03:57 sati.