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Četnički komandant Blažo Đukanović je streljan. DPS je najveća partija. Dugogodišnji je lider Demokratske partije socijalista Crne Gore, odnosno nasljednika crnogorskih komunista.

Današnja Srbija ne odlučuje o Kosovu. Retrieved 29 October 2014. His other four companies are: Universitas, Capital Invest, Primary Invest, and Select Investments. Furthermore, he did not rule out possible future campaigns for public office, including a 2013 run for President of Montenegro or a run for another tenure as prime minister.

Info - Criminal investigation in Italy In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples linked Đukanović with an organised crime racket worth billions of euros.

Assumed office 20 May 2018 Prime Minister Preceded by In office 15 January 1998 — 25 November 2002 Prime Minister Preceded by Succeeded by 1st In office 4 December 2012 — 28 November 2016 President Preceded by Succeeded by In office 29 February 2008 — 29 December 2010 President Preceded by Succeeded by In office 8 January 2003 — 10 November 2006 President Preceded by Acting Succeeded by In office 15 February 1991 — 5 February 1998 President Preceded by Position established Succeeded by In office 5 June 2006 — 10 November 2006 Prime Minister Himself Preceded by Position established Succeeded by Personal details Born 1962-02-15 15 February 1962 age 56 , , Nationality Montenegrin Political party 1979—1991 1991—present Other political affiliations 1998—2016 Spouse s Lidija Kuč Children 1 Relatives brother Milo Đukanović : 8;> C:0=>28[, pronounced ; born 15 February 1962 is a politician who has been the since 20 May 2018. He served as in three governments from 1991 to 1998, as from 1998 to 2002, and as Prime Minister again from 2003 to 2006, from 2008 to 2010, and from 2012 to 2016. Đukanović is also the long-term president of the , originally the Montenegrin branch of the , which has governed Montenegro since the introduction of. When Đukanović first emerged on the political scene, he was a close ally of. In 1996, however, he turned against Milošević, abandoning the traditional joint Serbian and Montenegrin vision in favour of an independent Montenegro. He oversaw the conversion of the into the and Montenegro's increasing separation from Serbia under his leadership, culminating in victory in the. After serving continuously in office from 1991 to 2006, Đukanović first retired from politics in late 2006, but he returned to the office of Prime Minister in February 2008. He stepped down again in December 2010 before returning for a second time in December 2012 to lead Montenegro for a seventh term. After winning the , Đukanović announced that he would resign as Prime Minister again. Speculation that he may run for President in 2018 was confirmed in March of that year. Born in , to a middle-class family, his father, Radovan, was a judge, and his mother, Stana née Maksimović , was a nurse. He was named by his paternal grandmother after a relative, Milo, who fought in World War I together with Milo's grandfather Blažo d. His paternal ancestors settled in the Nikšić area after the 1876 from , tribe. Đukanović grew up in , with younger brother born 1965 and older sister Ana born 1960. He completed primary and secondary school in his home town of , before enrolling at 's in where he graduated in 1986 with a diploma in tourism studies. As a youngster, Đukanović was an avid basketball player. His father Radovan was already an influential member within the party's , which initially opened many doors for him. By 1986, he was a presidency member of Socialist Youth Alliance's SSO Montenegrin branch as well as the presidency member of its federal-level parent organization. As a member of the party's various youth bodies he quickly stood out from the pack, earning a nickname Britva 'Straight razor' for his direct, fiery and forceful rhetoric. Progressing steadily up the party ladder, by 1988 Đukanović became a member of the League's highest decision-making body, the Central Committee CK SKJ. It turned out to be the committee's last sitting and he became its youngest member ever. By mid-1989 following the , Đukanović became the Secretary at the Presidency of the of the Yugoslav Communist League, a post he held until the branch's eventual transformation into the DPS CG. Please help by adding. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially or harmful. August 2015 Actively tagging along with somewhat more seasoned members like and , Đukanović was still only 26 years old when the trio effectively gained power through full institutional control in Montenegro on 10 January 1989. They forced out the old Montenegrin communist guard by riding the wave of the anti-bureaucratic revolution, an administrative putsch within the Communist League orchestrated by and the state security apparatus. Effectively, Đukanović, Bulatović, and Marović became Milošević's extended hands in Montenegro, controlling the political and security apparatus he was in the finishing stages of molding to his personal preferences. Đukanović and the others galvanized public opinion within the republic by organizing workers and bussing them to the capital to protest in front of the Assembly. On 15 February 1991, Đukanović was, somewhat surprisingly, appointed of the first democratically elected government by and with the blessing of Serbian President. Later in 1991, the Montenegrin Communist League finished its transformation into the DPS. Đukanović's office was secured after the. Held in December, they were called early due to the disintegration of the and the formation of a new state entity, the. In the elections, the DPS won an absolute majority, 46 seats out of the total 85. Throughout the period 1991-97, Đukanović governed loyally to Slobodan Milošević. Đukanović's cabinet actively participated in the from the autumn of 1991 until spring 1992, which resulted in the city suffering heavy structural damage. The surrounding area of also suffered due to looting raids. During this period Đukanović was one of the most vociferous in the Montenegrin government. After recognizing the eventual loss of Croatia and Bosnia as well the general dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Montenegro held a during March 1992. Đukanović spent a lot of time campaigning, expressing the necessity of a common Yugoslav state with Serbia. Although it did not change the outcome, DPS-controlled state propaganda had an effect by pushing the federal option and misrepresenting those who supported independence. Subsequently, the was established. That's why we believe in a common future and prosperity. The Montenegro-wide roundup of Bosnian Muslim refugees and their subsequent handover to the VRS happened while Đukanović was Prime Minister; for 23 days Montenegrin police and Yugoslav special forces hunted down Bosnian Muslim refugees, with 200 refugees being handed over to the Trebinje Corpus in neighbouring Herzegovina. On the domestic political front in 1992, Đukanović became involved in a fierce political clash with the pro-Croatian Montenegrin artist and activist, , which resulted in Brković's exile to Croatia, which lasted until 1998. He was looked on favorably by foreign investors. In the 1990s he swiftly forced all socially-owned worker-owned companies into state ownership where they were sold to private foreign interests. In 1996, Đukanović began to fall out with Milošević. Đukanović opposed the , which he criticized as being anti-Serb, publicly blasting Milošević in an interview for the Belgrade weekly. At that time, Milošević was facing harsh criticism in Serbia with in the winter of 1996—97. At the , the DPS won an absolute majority yet again. However, the rift within the party between Đukanović and Bulatović remained. Please help by adding. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially or harmful. August 2015 After the parliamentary election, Đukanović won a narrow majority of support within the DPS, a political leverage he then quickly used to cleanse it of all pro-Bulatović elements while simultaneously taking over state-controlled media and security apparatus with the help of his DPS ally Vukašin Maraš. The slogan es: Get involved! In July 1997, Đukanović announced his decision to stand against Bulatović in the. In the first round of elections on 5 October 1997, Đukanović won 145,348 to Bulatović's 147,610. Three of the other candidates, who received 11,000 votes in total, gave their support to Bulatović for the second round run-off scheduled for 19 October 1997. However, in the controversial second round vote, seen by many as the Đukanović's camp most significant electoral victory since the beginning of their rule, Đukanović won the second round by 174,745 votes to Bulatović's 169,257. Amid violent protests, Đukanović was sworn into office in January 1998. This victory cemented Đukanović's hold on power in Montenegro. Bulatović, his one-time mentor, was completely squeezed out and now all institutions of power, the DPS, the government, the parliament and the president's office were firmly in the hands of Đukanović and his hand-picked circle of associates. He appointed to succeed him as prime minister. Already distant from Milošević, Đukanović took this policy further, although assuring everyone that he saw the future of Montenegro in the same country with. He very much tried to project an impression that whatever problems Montenegro had with its participation in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had only to do with authoritarian Milošević rule and not with Serbian opposition forces or the people of Serbia. In 1998, the West began to turn its back on Milošević. Đukanović became an automatic local ally in this policy shift. That was especially obvious after the end of the when the country was plunged into deep international isolation. Milošević and other members of his clique were considered pariahs by every western government, so Đukanović became one of the few elected politicians within Yugoslavia they would openly communicate with. They were willing to overlook Đukanović's communist past, initial pro-war stance, and mounting evidence of criminal involvement, allowing him to regularly meet with administration officials such as Secretary of State , Secretary of Defense and National Security Adviser , as well as British Prime Minister , British Foreign Secretary and Secretary-General all throughout this period. Đukanović opened Montenegro's borders to and opponents of Milošević. The opposition used this in their favor and alleged that the bombing targets were solely pro-Serbian forces in Montenegro, like party headquarters. Soon after the revolution, Đukanović shifted his own politics again. Now, for the very first time, he started openly pushing for Montenegrin independence. Please help by adding. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially or harmful. August 2015 In 2002, Đukanović and Prime Minister Vujanović agreed a job-swap. Đukanović did not run for president in the and Vujanović replaced him as the DPS candidate. On 25 November 2002, Đukanović resigned as president, several months before the end of his term, in order to become Prime Minister again. Vujanović, who had resigned as prime minister at the start of the month to become Speaker of the Montenegrin Parliament, was sworn in as acting president. Đukanović took office as prime minister on 8 January 2003. Vujanović succeeded him as president on 22 May 2003. His pro-independence policy resulted in a compromise some see as having been imposed by the and its newly named foreign policy chief , with the replacement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with , but this also caused fallout with elements of his supporters who wanted him to push for full independence. As a result, he became the most high-profile supporter of the of May 2006. With a turnout of 86. Please help by adding. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially or harmful. August 2015 On 3 October 2006, it was announced that Đukanović was stepping down as prime minister, despite the victory of his in the , although he would remain leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists. On 4 October, he endorsed as his successor. The choice of Šturanović was considered a compromise between Đukanović and , as Đukanović's first candidate was , the Minister of Finance. Đukanović served as a member of Parliament from October 2006 to February 2008. He announced that he might be willing to run in the but eventually decided against it, allowing Vujanović to easily win a second term. He received support from almost all DPS municipal boards and committees. Since 2006, Đukanović has opened five private businesses, the latest called Global Montenegro on 25 February 2008, and bought actions in , altogether amassing property worth millions of euros. His other four companies are: Universitas, Capital Invest, Primary Invest, and Select Investments. He was accordingly elected as prime minister on 29 February 2008. His party won the. From 2008, Đukanović's time in the office was marked with advancing EU and NATO integration processes, in which Montenegro mostly went ahead of its neighbors. In the meantime, on 9 October 2008, Montenegro recognized 's independence, becoming the fourth former Yugoslav republic to recognize Kosovo. In the , Đukanović's coalition again won a majority of seats. On 22 July 2009, EU handed over the Commission's Questionnaire to Đukanović in Podgorica and on 9 December 2009, Đukanović delivered to Rehn Montenegro's replies to the Commission's Questionnaire in Brussels. Later that year Montenegro achieved visa liberalisation with the EU. On 1 May 2010, the Stabilisation and Association Agreement SAA entered into force. On 17 December 2010, Montenegro became an official EU candidate. As for Montenegro's NATO accession bid, the Allies decided to grant its request to join the Membership Action Plan MAP in December 2009. His party's leadership proposed Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister to lead the new government. Lukšić was confirmed as the new prime minister by the Parliament of Montenegro on 29 December 2010. Just like when he stepped down last time, Đukanović again retained the DPS party chairmanship. Furthermore, he did not rule out possible future campaigns for public office, including a 2013 run for President of Montenegro or a run for another tenure as prime minister. Secretary of State with Đukanović, 19 May 2016 After the on 14 October 2012, Đukanović informed President Vujanovic that he was capable of forming a government. His cabinet was approved by Parliament on 4 December 2012 and Đukanović returned to the office of prime minister on the same day. This will mark the second time Đukanović would run for president, the first one being in 1998. Criminal investigation in Italy In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples linked Đukanović with an organised crime racket worth billions of euros. Dispute over diplomatic immunity On 16 April 2003, the Judge for Preliminary Inquiries in rejected the 's request for a warrant for Đukanović's arrest, claiming him to be from arrest as Prime Minister of Montenegro. The Commission had been investigating him for some time, since at least May 2002 and had further requested his arrest as a precautionary measure. The case was appealed to the Naples Court of Review, which ruled in Đukanović's favor. Besides claiming his immunity, he was described as not socially dangerous as well as ignorant that he was committing crimes. The case was then once again appealed, to the Corte di Cassazione. On 28 December 2004, this court ruled in favor of the Antimafia Commission. It argued that as Montenegro was not a state, Đukanović had no diplomatic immunity. He was questioned for six-and-a-half hours and answered about 80 prosecutor's questions regarding the accusations against him. On this occasion, Đukanović's lawyer said that he had written evidence proving that, at the time when his client submitted the request to give a statement to the Italian prosecution authorities in Bari, he did not occupy any public office whatsoever and, therefore, had no intention of hiding behind immunity in the first place. In April 2009, the prosecution authorities finally dropped the case against Đukanović. Anti-government riots Main article: In 2015, the investigative journalists' network has named Milo Đukanović 'Person of the Year in Organized Crime'. The extent of Đukanović's led to street demonstrations and calls for his removal. Several thousand protesters demanding the resignation of Milo Đukanović and the formation of an interim government marched in the centre of the capital on the evening of 25 October 2015. Montenegrin police fired tear gas at opposition supporters, while chasing away the demonstrators with armored vehicles. Retrieved 27 October 2016. Retrieved 27 October 2016. Retrieved 19 October 2016. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 12 June 2010. Retrieved 29 September 2015. Central European May 1996. Retrieved 29 October 2014. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Archived from on 30 May 2010. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 29 October 2014. Archived from on 7 April 2009. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Retrieved 22 December 2010. Wikimedia Commons has media related to. Vulić 22 February 2000.

ĐUKANOVIĆ VREĐA POSLANIKE: Milo Đukanović nazvao poslanika Abazovića bitangom! (2013)
August 2015 In 2002, Đukanović and Prime Minister Vujanović agreed a job-swap. Kao da će ga svakog časa konzilijum ljekara skinuti sa aparata. Kada je stupao na dužnost — bez ikakvog političkog iskustva, osim u omladinskim komunističkim partijskim organizacijama — mnogi su sumnjali da je dorastao toj odgovornoj funkciji. Oblači pidžamu i ulazi u krevet. Prvi put se povukao posle uspešnog referenduma o nezavisnosti, da bi se vratio na premijersku funkciju kako bi stekao imunitet posle optužbi iz Italije o švercu cigareta. Đukanović spent a lot of time campaigning, expressing the necessity of a common Yugoslav state with Serbia. Na momente nastupe i trenuci radosti.

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